Promo Paket Umroh Plus 2015 Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Promo Paket Umroh Plus 2015 Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Promo Paket Umroh Plus 2015

Saco-Indonesia.com - Orang kebanyakan bahkan seluruh dunia menyatakan perang terhadap rokok, tidak demikian dengan ormas Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Saco-Indonesia.com - Orang kebanyakan bahkan seluruh dunia menyatakan perang terhadap rokok, tidak demikian dengan ormas Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Tidak seperti saat melarang pembagian kondom, Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) justru tidak mendukung kampanye Kemenkes untuk menekan angka perokok di Indonesia.

Berbagai pembenaran dan alasan dikemukakan oleh PBNU. Menurut, staf dewan halal PBNU, Kiai Arwani Faisal, semua kiai NU pun telah sepakat untuk memperbolehkan pengikutnya menghisap rokok.

Bahkan, pihaknya menegaskan tidak akan mengharamkan rokok hingga kiamat. "Rokok itu mubah, sampai kiamat ulama NU ga akan mengharamkan rokok. Untuk penderita jantung rokok haram. Tapi kalau rokok bikin semangat enggak haram lagi," kata dia sambil tertawa saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

Berikut empat alasan PBNU tak mau haramkan rokok hingga kiamat seperti dirangkum

1. Rokok tidak bahaya

Staf dewan halal PBNU, Kiai Arwani Faisal mengatakan penetapan rokok tidak berbahaya sudah diperhitungkan masak-masak ketika muktamar NU. Bahkan ada dalil agama yang membenarkan kalau rokok ini tidak terlalu berbahaya sehingga hukumnya mubah.

"Harus dilihat kadarnya. Kalau Ma'syadahnya (kerugian) besar hukumnya haram. Rokok kan sekali hisap tidak langsung pingsan," kata dia saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

2. Merokok, kiai sepuh NU masih panjang umur

Sebagai perokok aktif, para pembesar NU mengkritik kampanye antirokok yang digalakkan Kemenkes. Menurut PBNU, rokok tidak punya bahaya yang berlebihan terhadap kesehatan manusia sehingga tidak perlu dilarang berlebihan.

"Kok kejam langsung bilang haram, ulama NU bilang enggak haram. Karena puluhan tahun merokok sehat-sehat saja. Kan tingkat bahayanya dilihat," jelas Staf dewan halal PBNU, KH. Arwani Faisal di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, anti rokok : Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

3. Rokok tidak haram

PBNU tidak mendukung kampanye Kemenkes untuk menekan angka perokok di Indonesia. Menurut, Staf dewan halal PBNU, Arwani Faisal, rokok tidaklah haram.

"Rokok itu mubah, sampai kiamat ulama NU ga akan mengharamkan rokok. Untuk penderita jantung rokok haram. Tapi kalau rokok bikin semangat enggak haram lagi," kata dia sambil tertawa saat membawakan materi di diskusi publik 'Kampanye kondom, antirokok: Indah tapi manipulatif,' di kantor PBNU, Jakarta, Senin (16/12).

Dia juga mengklaim kalau kiai NU sebenarnya mendukung upaya meminimalisir rokok. Itu dibuktikan dengan penetapan hukum 'mubah' untuk? pengikut PBNU.

"Kiai gak berarti menerima data kesehatan. Rokok mubah karena menerima data kesehatan. Kalau enggak nerima, akan menetapkan hukum rokok wajib. Itu justru karena ngerti itu bahaya," katanya.

4. Rokok kretek sehat

Ketidaksetujuan NU terhadap kebijakan Menkes semakin meruncing. Seolah membalas kampanye antirokok menkes, kini NU menggalakkan rokok alami alias kretek.

"Rokok ini (kretek) bermanfaat untuk kita yang berbahan alami. Yang alamiah selalu lebih baik. Alam itu baik untuk manusia tinggal pengetahuan kita." jelas Profesor Universitas Brawijaya, Sutiman di kantor PBNU Jakarta, (16/12).

Alasannya, dibandingkan dengan rokok lainnya, rokok jenis kretek tidak punya bahan kimia berlebih.

"Ini kan dari bahan alami dan kalau dibakar elemen pecah sendiri. Kalau daun dia enggak berbahaya. Menurut saya komponen (kimia) semakin sedikit semakin sehat," tutur dia.

Editor : Liwon Maulana

Sumber : Merdeka.com

saco-indonesia.com, Ratusan orang yang telah tergabung dalam Koalisi Antikorupsi Pertanahan menggelar aksi di depan Gedung Komis

saco-indonesia.com, Ratusan orang yang telah tergabung dalam Koalisi Antikorupsi Pertanahan menggelar aksi di depan Gedung Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Aksi ini telah membuat jalur lambat di Jalan HR Rasuna Said, Kuningan arah Mampang Prapatan,  Jakarta Selatan telah ditutup sementara.

Aksi yang telah terdiri dari elemen koalisi dari KPA, WALHI, KPRI, IHCS, P3I, API, ICW, YLBHI, KontraS, Elsam dan lainnya telah dilakukan sekitar pukul 10.00 pagi WIB.

Salah seorang massa aksi, Nurdin juga mengatakan, aksi ini telah dilakukan untuk menuntut lembaga pimpinan Abraham Samad itu menindak kasus dugaan korupsi di bidang pertanahan dan agraria di Indonesia.

"Kami minta KPK menindak untuk kasus korupsi di bidang pertanahan dan agraria," katanya di depan Gedung KPK, Selasa (11/2/2014).

Menurut dia, akibat perilaku korupsi yang dilakukan oleh koruptor telah menyengsarakan para petani dan masyarakat Indonesia umumnya.

Sementara itu, puluhan polisi dengan peralatan lengkap juga telah berjaga untuk dapat mengantisipasi terjadinya bentrokan. Bahkan, satu unit mobil water canon juga sudah disiagakan.

Selain menggelar aksi didepan Gedung KPK, aksi tersebut akan dilanjutkan ke Mabes Polri dan Badan Pertanahan Nasional.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Mr. Napoleon was a self-taught musician whose career began in earnest with the orchestra led by Chico Marx of the Marx Brothers.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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