Harga Umroh Murah di Aceh Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Harga Umroh Murah di Aceh Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

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Seperti yang telah disebutkan pada bagian terdahulu, bahwa pada pertengahan abad ke tujuh agama Islam sudah mulai memasuki Minan

Seperti yang telah disebutkan pada bagian terdahulu, bahwa pada pertengahan abad ke tujuh agama Islam sudah mulai memasuki Minangkabau. Namun pada waktu itu perkembangan Islam di Minangkabau masih boleh dikatakan merupakan usaha yang kebetulan saja, karena adanya pedagang-pedagang yang beragama Islam datang ke Minangkabau. Pengaruh Islam pun hanya terbatas pada daerah-daerah yang didatangi oleh pedagang-pedagang Islam, yaitu di sekitar kota-kota dagang di pantai Timur Sumatera. Masuknya agama Islam itu ada yang secara langsung dibawa oleh pedagang Arab dan ada yang dibawa oleh Pedagang India atau lainnya, artinya tidak langsung datang dari negeri Arab. Perkembangan yang demikian berlangsung agak lama juga, karena terbentur kepentingan perkembangan Politikk Cina dan Agama Budha. Di kerajaan Pagaruyung sampai dengan berkuasanya Adityawarman, agama yang dianut adalah agama Budha sekte Baiwara dan pengaruh agama Budha ini berkisar di sekitar lingkungan istana raja saja. Tidak ada bukti-bukti yang menyatakan kepada kita bahwa rakyat Minangkabau juga menganut agama tersebut. Secara teratur agama Islam pada akhir abad ke tiga belas yang datang dari Aceh. Pada waktu itu daerah-daerah pesisir barat pulau Sumatera dikuasai oleh kerajaan Aceh yang telah menganut agama Islam. Pedagang Islam sambil berdagang sekaligus mereka langsung menyiarkan agama Islam kepada setiap langganannya. Dari daerah pesisir ini, yaitu daerah-daerah seperti Tiku, Pariaman, Air Bangis dan lain-lain dan kemudian masuk daerah perdalaman Minangkabau. Masuknya agama Islam ke Minangkabau terjadai secara damai dan nampaknya agama Islam lebih cepat menyesuaikan diri dengan anak nagari. Barangkali itulah sebabnya bekas-bekas peninggalan Hindu dan Budha tidak banyak kita jumpai di Minangkabau, karena agama itu tidak sampai masuk ketengah-tengah masyarakat, tetapi hanya disekitar istana saja. Habis orang-orang istana itu, maka habis pulalah bekas-bekas pengaruh Hindu dan Budha. Perkembangan agama Islam menjadi sangat pesat setelah di Aceh diperintah oleh Sultan Alaudin Riayat Syah Al Kahar (1537-1568 ), karena Sultan tersebut berhasil meluaskan wilayahnya hampir ke seluruh pantai barat Sumatera. Pada permulaan abad ketujuh belas, seorang ulama dari golongan Sufi penganut Tarikat Naksabandiyah mengunjungi Pariaman dan Aceh. Kemudian beberapa lama menetap di Luhuk Agam dan Lima Puluh Kota. Juga dalam ke abad ke-17 itu di Ulakan Pariaman bermukim seorang ulama Islam yang bernama Syeh Burhanuddin, murid dari Syeh Abdurauf yang berasal dari Aceh. Syeh Burhanuddin adalah penganut Tarikat Syatariah. Murid-murid Syeh Burhanuddin itulah yang menyebarkan agama Islam di pedalaman Minangkabau dan mendirikan pusat pengajian di Pamansiangan Luhak Agam. Sebaliknya ulama-ulama dari Luhak Agam ini pergi memperdalam ilmunya ke Ulakan Pariaman, yaitu tempat yang dianggap sebagai pusat penyebaran dan penyiaran Islam di Minangkabau. Dari Luhak Agam inilah nanti lahir ulama-ulama besar yang akan membangun agama Islam selanjutnya di Minangkabau seperti Tuanku Nan Tuo dari daerah Cangkiang Batu Taba Ampek Angkek Agam. Tuanku Imam Bonjol sendiri merupakan salah seorang murid Tuanku Nan Renceh Kamang Mudiak Agam. Pada awalnya agama Islam di Minangkabau tidak dijalankan secara ketat, karena disamping melaksanakan agama Islam para penganut juga masih menjalankan praktek-praktek adat yang pada dasarnya bertentangan dengan ajaran agama Islam itu sendiri. Keadaan ini ternyata kemudian setelah datangnya beberapa orang ulama Islam dari Mekkah yang menganut paham Wahabi. Yaitu suatu paham dimana penganut-penganutnya melaksanakan ajaran Islam secara murni. Di tanah Arab sendiri tujuan gerakan kaum Wahabi adalah utnuk membersihkan Islam dari Anasir-anasir bidah. Kaum Wahabi menganut Mazhab Hambali dan bertujuan kembali kepada pelaksanaan Islam berdasarkan Quran dan Hadist. Pada waktu beberapa ulama di Minangkabau, seperti Tuanku Pamansiangan, Tuanku Nan Tuo di Cangkiang, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan lain-lain juga sudah melihat ketidak beresan dalam pelaksanaan praktek ajaran Islam di Minagkabau dan ingin melakukan pembersihan terhadap hal tersebut, tetapi mereka belum menemukan bagaimana caranya yang baik. Baru pada tahun 1803 dengan kembalinya tiga orang haji dari Mekkah, yaitu Haji Miskin, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Piobang, sesudah mereka itu menceritakan bagaimana yang dilakukan oleh gerakan Wahabi disana (di Makkah). Untuk melaksanakan pembersihan terhadap ajaran agama Islam itu Tuanku Nan Renceh membentuk suatu badan yang dinamakan Harimau Nan Salapan terdiri dari delapan orang tuanku yang terkenal pada waktu itu di Minangkabau. Diakhir tahun 1803 mereka memproklamirkan berdirinya gerakan Paderi dan mulai saat itu mereka melancarkan gerakan permurnian agama Islam di Minangkabau. Mula-mula Paderi memulai gerakan pembersihannya di daerah Luhak Agam yang tidak terlalu lama telah mereka kuasai, dengan berpusat di Kamang Mudik. Selanjutnya gerakan Paderi melancarkan kegiatannya ke daerah Lima Puluh Kota dan di daerah ini mereka mendapat sambutan yang baik dari rakyat Lima Puluh Kota. Gerakan kaum paderi baru mendapat perlawanan yang berat dalam usahanya di Luhak Tanah Datar, karena pada waktu itu Luhak Tanah Datar masih merupakan pusat kerajaan Pagaruyung yang mempunyai kebiasaan-kebiasaan tertentu secara tradisional. Tetapi berkat kegigihan para pejuiang paderi akhirnya daerah Luhak Tanah Datar dapat juga diperbaharui ajaran Islam nya berdasarkan Quran dan Hadist, selanjutnya gerakan kaum paderi mulai meluas ke daerah rantau. Pada waktu itu di daerah Pasaman muncul seorang ulama besar yang membawa rakyatnya ke arah pembaharuan pelaksanaan ajaran Islam sesuai dengan Alquran dan Hadist Nabi. Karena gerakannya berpusat di Benteng Bonjol maka ulama tersebut akhirnya terkenal dengan nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol, yang semulanya terkenal dengan nama Ahmad Sahab Peto Syarif. Setelah di daerah Minangkabau dapat diperbaharaui ajaran Islamnya oleh kaum paderi, maka gerakan selanjutnya menuju keluar daerah Minangkabau, yaitu ke daerah Tapanuli Selatan yang akhirnya juga dapat dikuasai dan menyebarkan ajaran Islam di sana. Setelah Tuanku Nan Renceh meninggal tahun 1820, maka pimpinan gerakan paderi diserahkan kepada Tuanku Imam Bonjol dan diwaktu itu gerakan paderi sudah dihadapkan kepada kekuasaan Belanda yang semenjak tahun 1819 sudah menerima kembali daerah Minangkabau dari tangan Inggris. Karena terjadinya perbenturan kedua kekuatan di Minangkabau yaitu antara kekuatan paderi di satu pihak yang berusaha dengan sekuat tenaga menyebarkan agama Islam secara murni dengan kekuatan Belanda di lain pihak yang ingin meluaskan pengaruhnya di Minangkabau maka terjadilah ketegangan antara kedua kekuatan itu dan akhirnya terjadi perang antara kaum paderi dengan Belanda di Minangkabau. Perang ini terjadi antara tahun 1821-1833. pada akhirnya rakyat Minangkabau melihat bahwa kekuatan Belanda tidak hanya ditujukan kepada gerakan kaum paderi saja, maka pada tahun 1833 rakyat Minangkabau secara keseluruhannya juga mengangkat senjata melawan pihak Belanda. Perang ini berlangsung sampai tahun 1837. Tetapi karena kecurangan dan kelicikan yang dilakukan pihak Belanda akhirnya peperangan itu dapat dimenangkan Belanda, dalam arti kata semenjak tahun 1837 itu seluruh daerah Minangkabau jatuh ke bawah kekuasaan pemerintah Hindia Belanda. Dari masa inilah Minangkabau di rundung duka yang dalam, karena menjadi anak jajahan Belanda. Tuanku Imam ditangkap Belanda dengan tipu muslihat, dikatakan untuk berunding tetapi nyatanya Belanda menangkap beliau, dibuang semula ke Betawi, tinggal di Kampung Bali, selanjutnya dipindahkan ke Menado. Ditempat yang sangat jauh dari kampung halaman, badan yang telah sangat tua itu akhirnya dihentikan Tuhan Dari penderitaan yang berat, berpulanglah seorang Patriot Islam Minangkabau dirantau orang. Beliau telah berjuang sekuat tenaga menegakkan Syiar Islam di Ranah Minangkabau tercinta ini, jasatnya terbujur disebuah desa kecil yang sepi bernama Lotak nun jauh diujung pulau Selebes, harapannya kepada kita semua anak Minangkabau, lanjutkan perjuangan beliau dengan menegakkan akidah Islam dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, jawabnya barangkali yang paling tepat bagi kita sekarang, Mari kita berbenar-benar menegakkan Adat Basandi Syarak-syarak Basandi Kitabullah dalam kehidupan kita.

A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

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Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

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Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

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