Harga Umroh 2015 di Surabaya Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Harga Umroh 2015 di Surabaya Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Harga Umroh 2015 di Surabaya

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Selama ini kebiasaan menonton televisi dikaitkan dengan banyak penyakit, mulai dari obesitas hingga penyakit mata.

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Selama ini kebiasaan menonton televisi dikaitkan dengan banyak penyakit, mulai dari obesitas hingga penyakit mata. Namun baru-baru ini peneliti juga mengungkap bahwa terlalu sering menonton televisi juga bisa merusak otak anak-anak. Peneliti menemukan bahwa menonton televisi bisa mengubah struktur otak anak dan secara perlahan merusaknya.

Lebih sering anak menonton televisi dan dalam waktu yang lama, maka lebih banyak pula perubahan struktur yang terjadi pada otak mereka. Hasil ini ditemukan setelah peneliti Jepang mengamati 276 anak berusia lima sampai 18 tahun yang menghabiskan hingga empat jam sehari di depan televisi. Anak-anak tersebut rata-rata menghabiskan waktu dua jam setiap hari.

Scan MRI pada otak menunjukkan bahwa anak yang menghabiskan lebih banyak waktu menonton televisi memiliki bagian abu-abu di otak bagian frontopolar cortex mereka. Bertambahnya bagian abu-abu berkaitan dengan menurunnya kemampuan verbal anak dan tingkat kecerdasan mereka, ungkap peneliti dari Tohoku University di Sendai, seperti dilansir oleh Daily Mail (10/01).

Peneliti menjelaskan bahwa sebelumnya efek menonton televisi pada otak anak-anak belum pernah diteliti. Mereka menekankan bahwa menonton televisi berkaitan dengan perkembangan saraf pengetahuan pada otak anak. Orang tua sebaiknya mengawasi jumlah waktu yang dihabiskan anak mereka di depan televisi.

Hasil penelitian yang dipublikasikan dalam jurnal Cerebral Cortex ini menekankan kaitan antara menonton televisi dengan perubahan struktur pada otak anak. Sayangnya mereka tak melakukan penelitian terhadap efek kegiatan lain pada otak, seperti membaca buku, berolahraga, atau bersosialisasi dengan teman.

Sumber:Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Nelson Mandela Jual Tabita Skin Care di Tabitawhiteningcream.com - Berita Kamis malam i

Nelson Mandela
Nelson Mandela
Jual Tabita Skin Care di Tabitawhiteningcream.com - Berita Kamis malam itu mengejutkan Afrika Selatan (Afsel) dan dunia. Nelson Mandela tutup usia di rumahnya di Johannesburg. Warga langsung tumpah ruah ke jalan-jalan, isak tangis membahana di seantero negeri. Warga -beberapa hanya mengenakan piyama- berbondong-bondong datang ke rumah Mandela di distrik Houghton usai berita kematian tersebar pukul 20.50. Mereka menyalakan lilin, menangis, dan berdoa. Beberapa terlihat menari, bukan berduka, melainkan merayakan kehidupan mantan presiden Afsel itu. "Dia adalah ikon perdamaian. Dia berjuang untuk negeri ini, untuk rakyat, saya sangat menghormatinya. Kematiannya adalah kehilangan besar bagi negeri ini," kata seorang warga kepada kantor berita Sky News, Jumat 6 Desember 2013. Tidak hanya di Afsel, orang-orang juga berkumpul di beberapa kota di dunia. Salah satunya di Lapangan Trafalgar di London, Inggris, dan di depan patungnya di Tempat Karaoke Washington, Amerika Serikat. Sesaat setelah pengumuman kematian oleh Presiden Jacob Zuma, ucapan belasungkawa berdatangan dari para pemimpin dunia. Camera.co.id toko kamera murah di indonesia Di PBB, Sekretaris Jenderal Ban Ki-moon melakukan hening cipta. "Mandela adalah raksasa keadilan dan inspirasi yang merakyat," kata Ban, dikutip CNN. Di Gedung Putih, Presiden Amerika Serikat Barack Obama tidak ketinggalan mengucapkan dukanya. Banjir ucapan selamat terus berdatangan. Mobil Sedan Corolla Mulai dari pemimpin negara hingga para selebritis dan atlet terkenal dunia. Indonesia juga tidak ketinggalan. Ucapan belasungkawa disampaikan oleh Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa. Menurut kantor berita SAPA, jasad pria berusia 95 tahun ini telah dipindahkan ke rumah sakit militer di Pretoria. Dia rencananya akan dibalsem untuk dua-tiga hari ke depan. Upacara mengenang Mandela di stadion bola Johannesburg. Barulah pekan depan -antara Jumat atau Sabtu- tokoh anti apartheid ini akan diterbangkan untuk dikuburkan di kampung halamannya, Qunu. Sementara itu, bendera setelah tiang akan terus berkibar di Afsel. Dalam beberapa bulan terakhir, kondisi Mandela Agen Bola Promo 100% Shobet IBCBet Casino Poker Tangkas Online memang terus menurun. Juni lalu, dia dilarikan ke rumah sakit akibat infeksi paru-paru, kondisinya kritis. Dia dipindahkan ke rumahnya pada 1 September lalu. Kamarnya disulap menjadi unit perawatan intensif (ICU), dengan alat penopang kehidupan yang terus bekerja. Penyakit paru ini telah diidapnya sejak Agen Bola Promo 100% Shobet IBCBet Casino Poker Tangkas Online di penjara PulauRobben, tempatnya mendekam selama 27 tahun. Lahir pada 18 Juli 2918 di klan Madiba di kota Mvezo, Mandela kecil diberi nama Rolihlahla, yang dalam istilah Xhosa, berarti "pembuat kekacauan". Paket wisata Nama Nelson disematkan oleh guru SD Qunu tempatnya belajar. Dia sempat kuliah di Universitas College of Fort Hare mengambil jurusan sejarah. Namun dikeluarkan akibat terlibat unjuk rasa. skorbola.co situs portal berita sepakbola terkini Dia kemudian meraih gelar Alat Bantu Sex sarjana hukum di Universitas Afrika Selatan dan kembali ke Fort Hare untuk ikut prosesi wisuda di tahun 1943. Mandela kabur ke Johannesburg tahun 1941 karena ingin dikawin paksa. Di kota ini, penggemar tinju ini kuliah di Universitas Witwatersrand mengambil jurusan hukum tahun 1943. Dia keluar dari kampus itu tahun 1948 karena Cara memperbanyak sperma kekurangan biaya. Di kampus dengan beragam etnis itu, Mandela melihat situasi Afrika yang radikal, liberal, rasis dan diskriminatif. Dari sinilah sikap anti apartheidnya muncul. Setelah serangkaian demonstrasi dan aksi, dia divonis seumur hidup pada Pengadilan Rivonis tahun 1962 memperbanyak sperma karena percobaan menggulingkan pemerintahan. Dia dibebaskan tahun 1990 berkat lobi internasional dan desakan dari dalam negeri. Tahun 1993, bersama dengan Pinjaman modal usaha Presiden Afsel kala itu F.W. de Klerk, Mandela meraih penghargaan Nobel perdamaian atas perannya menghapuskan sistem dominasi kulit putih dan diskriminasi kulit hitam, apartheid. Pria yang gemar memakai baju batik -atau disebut Madiba shirt di Afsel- ini terpilih jadi presiden pada tahun 1990 hingga 1999. Usai kepemimpinannya, Pinjaman tanpa agunan Mandela mengumpulkan para pemimpin dunia di bawah bendera The Elders. Selain itu, dia juga kerap turun membantu Afsel mengatasi penyebaran AIDS dan mempromosikan perdamaian dunia. Saat menjabat presiden, dia disenangi Pinjaman tanpa jaminan karena kelugasannya dalam bersikap. Salah satunya saat mengkritik kebijakan George W Bush di Irak saat Presiden AS itu berkunjung ke Afsel tahun 2003. Dia mengatakan bahwa Bush adalah "presiden yang tidak bisa berpikir dengan benar." Dicap Teroris Kendati hubungan dengan Amerika dan Pulau tidung murah Inggris terlihat baik-baik saja, namun ironisnya Mandela ternyata dicap teroris oleh dua negara itu. Label teroris ini baru dicabut Inggris pada tahun 2006 dan Amerika tahun 2008. Masuknya Mandela dalam daftar teroris Barat Paket pulau tidung murah tahun 1980an karena kepemimpinannya dalam UmKhonto we Sizwe (MK), sayap militan ANC (Kongres Nasional Afrika). Selain itu, dia juga dicap komunis karena Uni Soviet sangat dekat dengan ANC. Partai Komunis Afrika Selatan juga merupakan sekutu dekat ANC. Tahun 1961, MK melakukan serangan bom Wisata pulau tidung murah dan sabotase terhadap fasilitas pemerintahan apartheid. Dalam pengadilannya, Mandela mengaku bersalah atas 156 kekerasan publik, termasuk pengeboman, salah satunya di stasiun kereta Johannesburg yang menewaskan orang tidak berdosa. Mandela dipenjara 27 Paket wisata pulau tidung murah tahun akibat tindakan tersebut. "ANC adalah tipikal organisasi teroris. Tabita Skin Care Semua orang yang berpikir partai ini akan menjalankan pemerintahan di Afrika Selatan berarti mereka telah hidup di negeri dongeg," kata Perdana Menteri Inggris kala itu, Margaret Thatcher tahun 1987. Kendati masa lalunya yang kelam, namun di bawah Mandela, Tabita Skin care Original ekonomi Afsel mengalami kemajuan. Mandela yakin betul, perekonomian yang kuat berhubungan erat dengan perkembangan politik negara. Harga tabita skin care Berakhirnya sistem apartheid berarti terbukanya kesempatan yang luas bagi warga kulit hitam untuk bekerja. Pertumbuhan ekonomi Afsel meningkat Harga tabita skin care dari kurang dari 1,5 persen dari tahun 1980 dan 1994, menjadi 3 persen dari 1995 ke 2003. Pendapatan rata-rata warga kulit putih Afsel meningkat 62 persen dari 1993 hingga 2008, menurut ahli ekonomi dari Universitas Cape Town Murrah Leibbrandt. Peningkatan pendapatan terbesar dialami oleh Paket wisata pulau tidung warga kulit hitam dalam periode yang sama, yaitu 93 persen. Kesempatan memperoleh pendidikan juga meningkat. Jumlah angka pelajar meningkat dari 50 persen menjadi 70 persen dari 1994 hingga 2005. Afsel juga menjadi mitra penting bagi negara tetangga. Jual Laptop Murah Investasi regional di Afsel saja sekitar 70 persen. Impor meningkat dari US$16,3 miliar tahun 1993 menjadi US$68,7 miliar tahun 2006. Namun dia punya kesalahan fatal Klikgaul.com portal berita artis, k-pop, zodiak, love paling keren dan update karena lambat dalam kampanye penanganan HIV/AIDS yang mengurangi peluang hidup rakyat Afsel. Tahun 1993, hanya empat persen dari wanita hamil HIV positif di negara itu. Jumlah ini meningkat 28 persen 10 tahun kemudian. Sekarang satu dari 10 populasi di negara itu HIV-positif. Selepas Mandela Namun kemajuan ekonomi Afsel tidak dirasakan seluruh rakyat. Pengentasan diskriminasi di negara itu ternyata belum juga usai. Jurang pemisah antara kulit hitam dan putih masih lebar. Walaupun dalam sepuluh tahun terakhir Afsel Tabita skin care kerap menggembar-gemborkan keseimbangan di bawah jargon "memperkuat ekonomi kulit hitam", namun nyatanya negara ini masih merupakan salah satu yang paling timpang masyarakatnya. Kulit putih masih mendominasi perekonomian. Tahun 1993, pendapatan kulit putih sembilan kali lipat lebih besar dari kulit hitam. Tahun 2008, jumlah ini hanya turun sedikit, kurang dari Tabita Indonesia delapan kali lipat lebih besar. Reuters menuliskan, satu dari tiga orang kulit hitam adalah pengangguran. Harga tabita Sementara hanya satu dari 20 kulit putih yang menganggur. Program pengentasan kemiskinan juga berjalan lambat. Hanya enam persen rumah kulit putih yang tidak dialiri air bersih. Sementara sepertiga warga etnis Afrika tidak memiliki akses air. Ketimpangan bahkan bisa terlihat di Pakar SEO Indonesia pemukiman tempat Mandela tinggal di Houghton. Rumah-rumah orang kaya di wilayah itu kebanyakan milik kulit putih. Kulit hitam, hanya jadi pembantu, satpam atau tukang kebun. "Mandela melakukan terlalu jauh dalam Jasa SEO Murah Terbaik berbuat baik pada komunitas non-hitam, bahkan di beberapa kasus mengorbankan kulit hitam. Itu terlalu baik," kata Presiden Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe dalam dokumenter yang ditayangkan stasiun televisi Afsel Mei 2013 lalu. Setahun terakhir, Afsel dilanda mogok Konsultan SEO Indonesia kerja besar para karyawan industri pertambangan dan manufaktur, menyebabkan pertumbuhan GDP tersendat. Kuartal ketiga tahun ini, ekonomi Afsel hanya tumbuh 0,7 persen dari kuartal sebelumnya. Bandingkan dengan pertumbuhan 3,2 persen di kuartal kedua. "Mandela terus mengatakan: Jasa SEO Murah 'Saya di sini untuk rakyat, saya adalah pelayan negara.' Tapi apa yang dia lakukan? Dia tandatangani dokumen yang memperbolehkan kulit putih menguasai tambang dan pertanian. Dia tidak melakukan apapun untuk orang miskin di negara ini," kata warga, Majozi Pilane, 49. Hal ini juga disampaikan oleh mantan istrinya sendiri, Pinjaman modal Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, dalam wawancara tahun 2010 dengan penulis buku V.S. Naipaul. Dia mengatakan, Mandela berubah setelah menjalani hukuman penjara 27 tahun. "Mandela masuk penjara saat menjadi revolusioner muda Jasa SEO Murah yang membara. Tapi coba lihat dia sekarang. Mandela mengecewakan kita. Dia menyetujui kesepakatan yang buruk bagi kulit hitam. Secara ekonomi kita (kulit hitam) masih tertinggal. Ekonomi hanya untuk kulit putih," kata Winnie. Mandela bukanlah malaikat. Tapi tidak bisa dipungkiri, sosoknya jadi kebanggaan dan pahlawan pembela orang yang termarjinalkan. Ketiadaan Mandela di samping mereka, dikhawatirkan cara memperbanyak sperma akan membuat jurang pemisah hitam dan putih semakin dalam. "Sekarang tanpa Madiba, saya seperti tidak lagi punya kesempatan. Orang kaya akan semakin kaya, dan melupakan kami. memperbanyak sperma Orang miskin diabaikan. Lihat politisi kita sekarang, mereka tidak ada yang seperti Madiba," kata Joseph Nkosi, 36, warga Alexandra, Johannesburg.
 

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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