Daftar Harga Umroh 2016 di Kutai Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Daftar Harga Umroh 2016 di Kutai Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Daftar Harga Umroh 2016 di Kutai

saco-indonesia.com, Cara Membuat Balon Udara Sederhana Cara untuk membuatnya pertama yang harus kita lakukan adalah dengan m

saco-indonesia.com,
Cara Membuat Balon Udara Sederhana

Cara untuk membuatnya pertama yang harus kita lakukan adalah dengan memotong tas kresek menjadi lembaran-lembaran yang nantinya akan disatukan. Potong lembaran kresek untuk menjadi bentuk segi empat.
Satukan tiap-tiap lembar kresek dengan menggunakan lilin. Caranya seperti kalau orang yang membungkus krupuk dengan plastik, 2 sisi plastik harus direkatkan dengan cara dibakar pakai lilin. Hati-hati karena tahap ini yang paling telah menyita waktu dan butuh teliti, salah sedikit kresek bisa bolong karena terbakar. Pelan-pelan aja yang penting jadi. Agar lebih mudah, bisa gunakan lidi. Ukurannya dikira-kira dengan ukuran plastik yang dipakai, yang diharapkan hasil akhirnya akan membentuk seperti tabung dengan diameter lebih dari 30cm, umumnya diameter 50cm sudah bagus dengan ketinggian 1m lebih.
Setelah jadi, tahap berikutnya adalah dengan membuat tutup untuk bagian atasnya. Buat dari beberapa lembar kresek yang akan disatukan, kemudian diukur berapa yang dibutuhkan untuk dapat membuat tutup atas. Satukan dengan lilin seperti sebelumnya.
Badan balon sudah jadi, tinggal membuat bagian bawah yang nantinya akan dipakai untuk dapat mengaitkan gombal. Bahannya juga bisa dari bambu atau kawat, yang penting adalah ringan. Bentuk seperti lingkaran dengan diameter kurang dari diameter tabung yang dibuat tadi. Semisal tabung dari kresek dibuat 50cm, maka lingkaran bawah harus dibuat menjadi 30cm. Kemudian, tengahnya harus diberi kawat yang membentuk tanda plus.

Selesai, kemudian satukan kresek dengan lingkaran masih dengan menggunakan cara biasa yaitu dengan bantuan dibakar lilin. Mungkin bingung kenapa jika diameter tabung 50cm kok lingkarannya 30cm. Sebenarnya sebelum disatukan, tabung dari kresek tadi dipotong dulu agar diameter bawah sesuai dengan diameter lingkaran bambu. Tujuannya agar balon bisa terlihat lebih gembung.

Bagian yang ada garis putus-putus adalah yang perlu dipotong, kemudian disambung lagi dengan dibakar lilin.
Nah, jadilah balon sedehana. Siapkan gombal yang dibentuk seperti bola, lalu diikat dengan kawat agar tidak berubah bentuk. Rendam dalam minyak goreng. Direkomendasikan, langkah ini juga dilakukan sehari sebelum membuat balon, karena semakin lama direndam, maka minyak yang dihisap gombal juga makin banyak. Artinya gombal bisa menyala lebih lama.

Berikutnya adalah saat yang ditunggu, menerbangkan balon. Siapkan dahan-dahan pohon atau daun kering untuk dibakar. Biasanya digunakan daun kelapa, jika tidak ada sesuaikan saja, yang penting bisa menghasilkan api yang besar. Daun dibakar mengeluarkan asap, usahakan asap masuk ke dalam balon.

Jika balon sudah mengembang dan dirasa sudah bisa terbang, kaitkan gombal ke tengah kawat dan nyalakan. Balon siap dilepaskan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Definisi IQ adalah untuk menjelaskan sifat intelijen mencakup kemampuan untuk memahami, mengingat, memecahkan masalah, menghitun

Definisi IQ adalah untuk menjelaskan sifat intelijen mencakup kemampuan untuk memahami, mengingat, memecahkan masalah, menghitung, menggunakan bahasa, menganalisa dan menggunakan logika. Kemampuan IQ seseorang dapat ditentukan dengan mengikuti tes IQ. Perusahaan-perusahaan besar biasanya menggunakan tes IQ untuk ... Selanjutnya

Mr. Haroche was a founder of Liberty Travel, which grew from a two-man operation to the largest leisure travel operation in the United States.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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