Biaya Umroh 2015 di Padang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Biaya Umroh 2015 di Padang Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Biaya Umroh 2015 di Padang

Tempat Wisata  Pantai Losari yang terletak di barat kota Makassar ini telah menyimpan keindahan matahari terbenam yang memb

Tempat Wisata  Pantai Losari yang terletak di barat kota Makassar ini telah menyimpan keindahan matahari terbenam yang membuai mata. Di Pantai Losari Anda juga akan disajikan dengan pemandangan alam yang digabungkan dengan wisata kuliner khas Kota Makassar.

Pantai Losari juga merupakan salah satu obyek wisata andalan masyarakat setempat. Di sekitar pantai Losari ini juga terdapat pusat kuliner yang telah menjual berbagai macam makanan dan jajanan khas. Begitu panjangnya deretan penjual makanan ini hingga disebut-sebut sebagai pusat kuliner terpanjang.

Pedagang menjual aneka makanan mulai dari jajan ringan, sekedar ganjal perut seperti bakso atau gorengan. Ada juga makanan khas Makasar seperti Coto atau aneka hidangan masakan laut dengan resep asli orang bugis. Salah satunya jajanan yang sangat digemari adalah pisang epe, pisang khas makasar yang dibakar kemudian dipipihkan dan diberi campuran air gula merah.

Tempat Wisata Pantai Losari Satu-satunya Yang Paling Unik Di Indonesia

Objek Wisata Pantai Losari sebenarnya bukanlah sebuah pantai berpasir seperti pantai kuta, pantai parangtritis ataupun pantai kenjeran Surabaya, tetapi hanyalah sebuah bangunan beton untuk dapat menahan air laut yang terhampar di pesisir barat kota Makassar. Hal yang sangat menarik dari tempat wisata pantai Losari adalah adanya sebuah anjungan dengan tulisan PANTAI LOSARI, tempat itulah yang sering dipakai untuk berfoto-foto sebagai bukti sudah pernah menginjakan kaki di pantai losari.

Dipantai yang sangat bersih dan nyaman ini, kita juga dapat menyaksikan SUNSET dan SUNRISE di satu tiitk kita berdiri. Memang sangat unik pantai yang satu ini, posisi pantai yang memanjang Utara-Selatan ini memang bisa menyaksikan terbitnya dan terbenamnya matahari disatu posisi yang sama.

Posisi pantai Losari juga sangat strategis dan telah menjadi bagian yang menyatu dengan suasana kota Makasar yang membentang sejauh kurang lebih 4 km. Pantai ini langsung dapat diakses dengan jalan utama protokol utama. Diseberang jalan bertumbuhan hotel dengan berbagai kelas.

Waktu paling ideal untuk mengunjungi Tempat Wisata Pantai Losari adalah sore hari antara jam 15.00 hingga jam 21.00. Banyak yang datang kemari untuk duduk duduk menikmati pantai yang bersih, jogging disepanjang pedestrian sejauh 500m, atau makan diwarung warung yang telah direlokasi oleh Pemda setempat. Tua muda akan datang untuk menikmati matahari terbenam sambil menikmati makanan khas makasar. Jika suka jogging, tempat ini juga sangat ideal. Udara bersih dan angin bertiup tanpa henti, matahari yang merah keemasan menyapu wajah manusia yang duduk bibir pantai.

Pasti anda ingin segera mengunjungi tempat wisata ini kan .

Harga Besi Beton telah diperkirakan akan terus melonjak naik pada 2014. Selama tiga bulan terakhir di 2013, Besi Beton terus aka

Harga Besi Beton telah diperkirakan akan terus melonjak naik pada 2014. Selama tiga bulan terakhir di 2013, Besi Beton terus akan mengalami kenaikan sebesar 20 persen, disebabkan melemahnya mata uang rupiah terhadap dolar AS, serta kenaikan harga bahan bakar minyak (BBM).

 Pengawas Lapangan Toko Mega Baja Bandarlampung, Jalan Hajimena No.54,  Tri (35) juga mengatakan, dampak dari melemahnya mata uang rupiah dan naiknya BBM sangat berpengaruh terhadap suplai Besi Beton ke Lampung.

’’Semua Besi Beton akan mengalami kenaikan dari ukuran 6, 8, 10, 12, 19, 22, dan 35, rata - rata kenaikan telah mencapai Rp2 ribu dalam sebulan. Kenaikan inipun akan terus berlanjut di tahun ini,’’ ucap Tri di sela-sela kesibukannya mengawasi karyawannya saat bekerja.

Menurutnya, untuk ukuran besi 6 yang semula harganya Rp22 ribu/batang, kini telah menjadi Rp24 ribu/batang. Ukuran besi 8, harga semula Rp36ribu/batang naik menjadi Rp38/batang. Ukuran besi 10, harga semula Rp60 ribu/batang naik Rp62 ribu/batang. Ukuran besi 12 harga semula Rp78 ribu/batang menjadi Rp80 ribu/batang, dan sebagainya. Kata Tri, harga besi akan terus naik seiring belum membaiknya pertumbuhan ekonomi di Indonesia.

’’Pemasokan Besi Beton pengirimannya mengunakan transportrasi jelas jika biaya transportasi naik harga juga akan ikut naik, terlebih kendala ekonomi yang kurang membaik, sehingga dapat menjadikan problematika yang berdampak buruk bagi sektor industri. Dampaknya pun juga akan berpengaruh pada perusahaan ritel,’’ terangnya.
    
Namun, di Bandarlampung sendiri, kata dia, tingkat permintaan untuk Besi Beton terbilang cukup tinggi, karena pesatnya pembangunan Kota Bandarlampung sehingga membuat permintan akan Besi Beton terus meningkat.

 Maka dari itu, dalam sebulan perusahaan ritel penyuplai Besi Beton Toko Mega Baja mampu meraup keuntungan Rp2 miliar dalam sebulan.

Terlebih dari itu, selain menjual Besi Beton Toko Mega Baja juga menjual  Baja Ringan. Ternyata tren baja ringan juga mengikuti peningkatan dalam pertumbuhan pembangunan, Namun peningkatan lebih cenderung ke Besi Beton. Untuk Besi Beton menguasai pendistribusain sebanyak 70 persen sedangkan untuk baja ringan hanya 30 persen.  

’’Untuk pembangunan besi beton masih menjadi suatu perioritas, tak heran jika peningkatannya lebih tinggi dari pada baja ringan,’’ tuntasnya.

 

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

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