Agen Umroh VIP 2015 Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Umroh VIP 2015 Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

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saco-indonesia.com, Banjir yang telah melanda Ibukota selama Januari lalu, telah membuat sejumlah titik jalan raya di seluruh wi

saco-indonesia.com, Banjir yang telah melanda Ibukota selama Januari lalu, telah membuat sejumlah titik jalan raya di seluruh wilayah DKI Jakarta telah mengalami kerusakan, tak terkecuali di wilayah Jakarta Utara. Sebanyak 1.093 jalan berlubang diperbaiki mulai Rabu (29/1) malam.

Kasi Pemeliharaan Sudin PU Jalan dan Jembatan Jakarta Utara Sugoro Sinaga juga mengatakan, pihaknya juga sudah mulai memperbaiki sejumlah ruas jalan di Jakarta Utara. Di antaranya, Jalan Boulevard Raya dan Barat, Kelapa Gading, Perintis Kemerdekaan, Yos Sudarso, Plumpang Raya, Pegangsaan Dua dan Gunung Sahari.

"Kita juga sudah memperbaiki sebanyak 1.093 titik jalan berlubang yang tersebar se-Jakut. Sisanya masih 1.205 titik lagi yang akan kita kerjakan," ujar Sugoro saat dihubungi, Senin (3/2).

Perbaikan tersebut terdiri dari berbagai macam material seperti cor beton ready mix dan CTB adukan kering. Perbaikan tersebut telah diakui oleh Sugoro hanya sebagai antisipasi sementara sebelum dilakukan perbaikan permanen.

Dia juga menyebutkan, perbaikan jalan telah mengalami kendala di beberapa lokasi karena masih ada yang tergenang ditambah masih seringnya hujan turun. Sehingga untuk saat ini pembetonan jalan yang telah dilakukan adalah penanganan darurat. Sugoro juga mengaku tidak bisa memprediksi hingga kapan dapat menyelesaikan pengerjaan sisa titik lubang yang masih ada.

Sedangkan untuk dapat mengantisipasi kecelakaan yang ditimbulkan oleh lubang di jalan, pihaknya telah menyebar sebanyak 180 spanduk yang berisi tulisan 'Hati-hati Jalan Berlubang'.

"Langkah ini (pemasangan spanduk) kami lakukan untuk dapat memberitahukan kepada masyarakat pengguna kendaraan, baik roda empat dan dua untuk tetap meningkatkan kewaspadaan dalam berlalu lintas. Karena di depannya atau sekitar 5 hingga 100 meter lagi ada jalan yang rusak," terangnya.

Sugoro juga berharap agar masyarakat dapat bersabar hingga selesainya dilakukan perbaikan di seluruh lokasi jalan yang berlubang. Selain itu, ia juga mengharapkan masyarakat tetap menjaga kewaspadaan selama berkendara.

Sebelumnya Dinas PU mencatat, jalan rusak di Jakarta Pusat seluas 3.871 m2 atau 0,11 persen dari total luas jalan di wilayah itu, yakni 3,4 juta m2. Wilayah Jakarta Utara telah mengalami kerusakan jalan terluas, yakni 80.557 m2, atau 2,07 persen dari total 3,9 juta m2 di wilayah tersebut.

Di Jakarta Barat, luas jalan rusak 14.625 m2 atau 0,25 persen dari luas total 5,7 juta m2. Adapun kerusakan di Jakarta Selatan seluas 16.585 m2 atau 0,54 persen dari total 9,1 juta m2. Di Jakarta Timur, luas jalan rusak 24.760 m2 atau 0,38 persen dari total 6,5 juta m2.

Menurut Kadis PU DKI Jakarta Manggas Rudi Siahaan, kekuatan ruas jalan di Jakarta juga belum memenuhi standar kekuatan jalan internasional. Apalagi ada genangan serta kendaraan berat yang telah melintasi jalan itu secara berulang-ulang.

Manggas akan memperbaiki jalan rusak selama 24 jam nonstop, dengan cara dibeton agar jalan menjadi lebih kuat ketahanannya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Cara Meningkatkan Penjualan Online - Warung makan itu berukuran tiga kali empat meter. Berdinding bata. Cukup strategis. Jarakny

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Siang itu, Jumat di awal Januari, warung tampak sepi. Lauk pauk Tabita Indonesia dan sayur yang tersaji masih cukup Harga Tabita lengkap. Pemilik warung itu, Nur Sidiq, tak tampak sibuk.

Saat itu adalah hari ketiga setelah Projector PT Pertamina menaikkan  Mobil Sedan Corolla harga elpiji ukuran 12 kilogram. Rata-rata kenaikan yang berlaku per 1 Januari 2014 itu Rp3.959 per kilogram.

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Elpiji 12 kg bukan barang baru Itupoker.net Agen judi poker, agen judi domino online indonesia terpercaya bagi Nur. Tabung biru itu telah “menghidupi” keluarganya selama bertahun-tahun. Elpiji dimanfaatkan sebagai bahan bakar untuk memasak di warungnya.

Namun, harga elpiji yang melonjak, bakal Agen bola promo 100% sbobet ibcbet casino poker tangkas online memangkas keuntungan usahanya. Awalnya, kenaikan harga tak tanggung-tanggung, lebih dari 60 persen. Sebelum akhirnya direvisi hanya naik Rp1.000 per kg, atau sekitar 17,3 persen.

Keputusan kenaikan harga elpiji itu bukan tanpa dasar. Rgopoker.com Bandar judi poker situs poker online terpercaya Pertamina  Cara Meningkatkan Penjualan Online memakai patokan laporan hasil pemeriksaan Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan (BPK) atas  implementasi kebijakan energi nasional sektor gas.

Pemeriksaan dilakukan pada area Software Point of Sales Online Omega POS Cloud pendistribusian elpiji pada 2011 dan 2012. Mobil Sedan Corolla Tujuan pemeriksaan adalah menilai efisiensi dan efektivitas pendistribusian elpiji dan tabung elpiji Pertamina.

Sub sasarannya di antaranya adalah menilai apakah Kontes SEO Blog Terbaru perencanaan kegiatan pendistribusian dan  Cara Meningkatkan Penjualan Online penentuan harga elpiji telah dilakukan secara memadai, memiliki justifikasi, dan memenuhi kriteria penetapan perencanaan yang baik.

Hasil pemeriksaan BPK

Kesimpulan BPK menunjukkan Paket Pulau Tidung Murah kegiatan pendistribusian elpiji oleh Pertamina secara nasional sudah efektif. Efektivitas itu tercermin dari pasokan elpiji dari Wikipedia Indonesia Pertamina yang telah menjangkau daerah-daerah terkonversi secara cukup. Baik dari sisi volume maupun ketepatan waktu.

Penyaluran elpiji itu dikategorikan Agen Bola promo 100% Sbobet ibcbet casino poker tangkas online dalam dua Alat Bantu Sex kelompok besar, yaitu distribusi elpiji public service obligation (PSO) ke daerah terkonversi dan distribusi elpiji non PSO ke seluruh Indonesia.

Walaupun pendistribusian elpiji secara umum telah Itupoker.net Agen judi poker, agen judi domino online indonesia terpercaya efektif, Pertamina menghadapi kendala besar. “Terutama terkait dengan kontinuitas pendistribusian dalam jangka panjang,” tulis laporan BPK itu.

Kendala itu terkait kerugian Pertamina dalam bisnis elpiji non Pulau tidung murah PSO. Karena harga jual yang ditetapkan lebih Itupoker.net agen judi poker, agen judi domino online indonesia terpercaya rendah dari harga penyediaannya. Kondisi itu dapat mengganggu kontinuitas pendistribusian elpiji jangka panjang.

Menurut hasil pemeriksaan BPK itu, kemampuan Rgopoker.com Bandar judi poker situs poker online terpercaya finansial Pertamina dalam Jasa SEO Murah jangka panjang akan menurun, karena menanggung kerugian atas pendistribusian elpiji 12 kg dan 50 kg selama 2011 hingga Oktober 2012. Nilai kerugian itu sebesar Rp7,73 triliun.

Kerugian itu berdampak pada ketidakmampuan Wisata Pulau Tidung Murah Pertamina melakukan kegiatan perawatan Jasa Review Murah Berkualitas atas sarana dan fasilitas pendistribusian elpijinya. Dalam jangka panjang, kondisi itu dapat membuat kualitas elpiji maupun sarana pendukungnya berpotensi tidak dapat dipertahankan.

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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