Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Saco-Indonesia.com - Seperti halnya dengan kaset dan komunikasi tatap muka, jam tangan kini juga mulai kehilangan makna pentingnya dalam kehidupan modern.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Seperti halnya dengan kaset dan komunikasi tatap muka, jam tangan kini juga mulai kehilangan makna pentingnya dalam kehidupan modern. Apalagi kita punya ponsel yang bisa menunjukkan waktu, belum lagi komputer, tablet, dan berbagai gadget lainnya.

Namun, jam tangan disukai bukan hanya karena fungsinya saja. Sebagian besar wanita mengganggap jam tangan sebagai aksesoris yang bisa menunjang penampilan.

Berikut ada alasan lain mengapa jam tangan masih penting untuk dipakai:

1. Tak sopan cek ponsel terus menerus
Walau Anda bisa melihat dengan jelas jam yang tertera di ponsel, tetapi tak sopan jika sebentar-sebentar Anda membuka ponsel hanya untuk melihat jam.

2. Cek waktu tanpa repot
Tentu merepotkan saat kedua tangan Anda membawa tas, buku, tentengan belanja, atau menggandeng anak, namun Anda masih harus membuka ponsel untuk melihat jam. Jam tangan adalah solusinya.

3. Bagian dari fashion
Tak sulit menemukan jam tangan yang trendi dan terlihat indah saat dipakai. Jam tangan memang bagian dari fashion. Apalagi jika Anda malas memadukan pakaian dengan kalung, cincin, atau gelang. Cukup pilih jam tangan dengan strap yang menarik, penampilan pun terasa komplet.

4. Bagian dari identitas
Seperti halnya tas, jam tangan juga menjadi simbol dari status, asosiasi, dan identitas. Perhatikan seorang eksekutif muda yang memakai Rolex dan seorang mahasiswa yang memakai jam karet digital, sengaja atau tidak masing-masing memberi pesan tersendiri terhadap apa yang mereka pakai.

5. Bagian dari orang dewasa
Dibelikan jam tangan saat kita masih anak-anak menjadi sebuah milestone tersendiri karena itu berarti kita sudah mampu mengenali waktu. Sebagai orang dewasa, memakai jam tangan juga membuat kita merasa benar-benar seperti orang dewasa.

Sumber:kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) hari ini Selasa (18/3) akan melanjutkan rangkaian kampanye partainya di wilayah Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur. Setelah kemarin berkampanye di Bantul, SBY dan rombongan jurkamnas akan berkampanye di Tulungagung.

Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) hari ini Selasa (18/3) akan melanjutkan rangkaian kampanye partainya di wilayah Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur. Setelah kemarin berkampanye di Bantul, SBY dan rombongan jurkamnas akan berkampanye di Tulungagung.

Tadi malam, SBY dan rombongan telah menginap di Hotel Merdeka Kota Madiun, Jawa Timur. SBY juga telah mengajukan cuti untuk berkampanye dalam kapasitasnya sebagai Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat di sejumlah wilayah di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur.

SBY dan rombongan menuju ke Tulungagung melalui Ponorogo. Di Ponorogo, SBY juga telah dijadwalkan akan mengunjungi sejumlah titik, namun agenda tersebut masih dapat berubah.

Seperti yang telah diketahui, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono juga telah memberitahukan cuti untuk mengikuti kampanye selama dua hari, pada tanggal 17-18 Maret.

Izin cuti tersebut juga telah disampaikan ke KPU RI dengan mengirimkan surat dari Sekretariat Negara Nomor B.233/M.Sesneg/D-2/KN.00.02/03/2014, dengan tembusan kepada Presiden RI, Wapres RI Boediono, dan Badan Pengawas Pemilu.

Cuti Presiden tersebut dimaksudkan untuk pelaksanaan kampanye Partai Demokrat di daerah pemilihan Jawa Tengah VI dan Jawa Timur VI. Di antaranya di Magelang dan Yogyakarta, serta di Tulungagung dan Blitar.

Adapun, pelaksanaan kampanye rapat umum terbuka untuk Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD dilakukan selama 21 hari, mulai tanggal 16 Maret hingga 5 April mendatang.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

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