Agen Tiket Pesawat di Semarang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Semarang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Semarang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Surabaya

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Surabaya Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Surabaya

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Makasr

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Makasr Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Makasr

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Medan

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Medan Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Medan

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Aceh

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Aceh Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Aceh

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Padang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Padang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Padang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bogor

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bogor Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bogor

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Kepala Dinas Pariwisata dan Kebudayaan DKI Jakarta Arie Budhiman mengatakan, masyarakat dan turis dapat menggunakan bus tingkat wisata tanpa menggunakan tiket.

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Kepala Dinas Pariwisata dan Kebudayaan DKI Jakarta Arie Budhiman mengatakan, masyarakat dan turis dapat menggunakan bus tingkat wisata tanpa menggunakan tiket. Meskipun gratis, tetap ada pengelolaan tiket. Tiket dapat diperoleh di pusat perbelanjaan maupun hotel.

"Evaluasi tiga bulan pertama tanpa tiket, belum pakai tiket gratis," kata Arie di Balaikota Jakarta, Kamis (16/1/2014).

Siang tadi, bus tingkat wisata itu telah resmi dikenalkan kepada publik di Bundaran Hotel Indonesia (HI). Adapun uji coba pengoperasiannya akan dilaksanakan pada akhir pekan ini. Untuk beroperasional secara utuh, Arie menargetkan dapat terealisasi pada akhir Januari.

Kini lima unit bus tingkat wisata itu ditempatkan di pul Cawang. Untuk memulai perjalanan, semua bus tingkat wisata akan parkir di silang barat daya Monas. Pada pukul 09.00 WIB, kelima bus tingkat wisata itu akan mengelilingi Jakarta. Waktu tempuh tiap bus berjarak 30 menit.

Bus-bus wisata itu akan menempuh dua rute. Rute pertama melewati Bundaran HI-Medan Merdeka Barat-Harmoni-Juanda-Gedung Kesenian Jakarta-Gereja Katedral-Masjid Istiqlal-Juanda-Medan Merdeka Utara-Istana Negara-Balaikota-MH Thamrin-Bundaran HI. Adapun rute melalui Bundaran HI-Sudirman-Semanggi-Gatot Subroto-Hotel Sultan-JCC-TVRI-Hotel Mulia-Senayan (Plaza Senayan dan Senayan City-Patung Pemuda-Sudirman-Semanggi-Bundaran HI. Sepanjang rute tersebut, akan ada 10 titik pemberhentian. Di setiap halte tersebut, bus akan berhenti selama satu menit.

Bus tingkat yang didominasi warna ungu dan hijau muda tersebut memiliki panjang 13,5 meter, lebar 2,5 meter, dan tinggi 4,2 meter. Desain double decker lengkap dengan tulisan "Wisata Keliling Ibukota!" dan "City tour Jakarta". Huruf R dan J dalam kalimat city tour Jakarta dibuat menyambung jadi satu. Adapun di bagian belakang terdapat slogan "Enjoy Jakarta". Tak hanya itu, bus double decker itu juga memiliki gambar-gambar Monas, Ondel-ondel, patung Pancoran, patung selamat datang, dan lain-lain.

Warna ungu dan hijau muda sengaja dipilih agar bus itu memiliki ciri khas sendiri dibanding bus sedang lainnya. Warna merah, misalnya, menjadi ciri khas warna bus transjakarta, metromini berwarna oranye, dan bus kopaja berkelir hijau.

Setiap unit bus tingkat wisata berkapasitas 60 tempat duduk dan dua di antaranya diperuntukkan bagi penyandang difabel. Deck dan pintu sengaja dibuat pendek dan berada di sebelah kiri agar ramah untuk kaum difabel dan orang tua. Spesifikasi lain yang membuat bus ini ramah kaum difabel adalah melintas di jalur lambat, bukanlah busway.

Double decker Jakarta berbeda dari bus tingkat di London, Inggris. Atap paling atasnya dibuat tertutup sebab iklim Jakarta berbeda dari London. Di samping itu, faktor kesehatan menjadi unsur penting yang menjadi pertimbangan. Beberapa fasilitas yang dimiliki double decker, seperti pendingin udara, pengeras suara, CCTV, lengkap dengan petugas guide. Di tiap bus akan ada tiga awak, yakni pengemudi, pramuwisata, dan keamanan.

"Dengan adanya bus ini, Jakarta punya daya tarik yang berbeda. Mudah-mudahan Jakarta semakin menarik dan dikunjungi wisatawan," kata Arie.

Sumber : kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Saco-Indonesia.com - Meskipun sama-sama disebabkan oleh virus, influenza sangat berbeda dengan penyakit batuk pilek biasa.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Meskipun sama-sama disebabkan oleh virus, influenza sangat berbeda dengan penyakit batuk pilek biasa. Bila penyakit batuk pilek dengan demam bisa sembuh sendiri dengan cukup istirahat, influenza bisa menimbulkan komplikasi serius seperti radang paru.

Banyak penyakit virus bukan influenza disebut flu. Hal ini tentu menimbulkan kerancuan besar. Penyakit influenza disebabkan oleh tiga jenis virus, yaitu virus A, B, dan C. Semuanya menyebar dari satu orang ke orang lain melalui percikan air ludah atau kontak langsung seperti bersalaman dengan orang yang baru saja bersin.

Influenza biasanya menyerang bersama dengan demam, menggigil, nyeri otot dan pegal-pegal, lemah, tidak enak badan dan sakit tenggorokan.

"Semua tanda dan gejalanya hampir sama dengan batuk pilek biasa tetapi cenderung lebih parah. Bila gejalanya terjadi lebih dari tiga hari biasanya ini influenza," kata Prof.dr.Cissy Kartasasmita, Sp.A (K), guru besar Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Padjajaran, Bandung.

Epidemi influenza yang terjadi setiap tahunnya bisa menyerang siapa saja, namun menurut Prof.dr.Samsuridjal Dzauji, Sp.PD, ada beberapa kelompok tertentu yang memiliki risiko tinggi mengalami komplikasi influenza. Kelompok tersebut antara lain anak-anak berusia kurang dari dua tahun, orang berusia di atas 65 tahun, wanita hamil, penderita penyakit kronik, calon jemaah haji, serta para petugas layanan medis.

"Lebih dari 90 persen kematian akibat influenza terjadi pada kelompok usia di atas 65 tahun. Pada mereka kekebalan tubuhnya rendah sehingga bisa menyebabkan komplikasi radang paru, bahkan ada juga yang menybabkan infeksi jantung," kata dr.Samsuridjal dalam acara diskusi Pahami dan Cegah Influenza: Dari Musiman hingga Pandemik di Jakarta (21/5).

Pasien dengan penyakit kronik seperti pasien penyakit jantung, paru atau asma juga berpontesi lebih besar untuk menderita komplikasi akibat influenza. Sementara itu pada petugas layanan medis seperti dokter, perawat, atau bidan juga rentan terpapar virus influenza dan berpontensi menularkannya kepada pasien lain.

Setiap tahun sekitar 500.000 orang meninggal karena penyakit yang berkaitan dengan influenza. Dengan kata lain, penyakit ini sebaiknya tidak dianggap ringan.

Cara pencegahan flu yang utama adalah dengan suntikan influenza. "Selain mencegah penularan, vaksin juga mencegah komplikasi dan mempersiapkan diri menghadapi pandemi influenza," kata dr.Samsuridjal yang juga menjadi ketua satuan tugas imunisasi dewasa Ikatan Dokter Indonesia ini.

Pencegahan lain adalah dengan menjaga kekebalan tubuh dan membiasakan hidup bersih. "Sering-sering mencuci tangan dengan sabun juga dianjurkan karena virus flu bisa menular lewat kontak langsung," katanya.

Pasien yang terkena influenza juga disarankan untuk beristirahat di rumah sampai penyakitnya sembuh. "Selain mempercepat penyembuhan, istirahat di rumah juga agar tidak menularkan penyakitnya pada orang lain," kata dr.Cissy.

Sumber :kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

saco-indonesia.com, Ketinggian air di Kali Ciliwung yang telah melintasi, Kampung Pulo, Jatinegara, Jakarta Timur kian meninggi

saco-indonesia.com, Ketinggian air di Kali Ciliwung yang telah melintasi, Kampung Pulo, Jatinegara, Jakarta Timur kian meninggi akibat air kiriman dari Bogor. Bahkan air pun juga sudah mulai menggenangi Jalan Jatinegara Barat sejak pukul 11.00 WIB siang.

Melihat kondisi seperti ini, petugas kepolisian juga langsung mengalihkan arus lalu lintas di Jalan Jatinegara Barat menuju Matraman dialihkan ke Jalan Jatinegara Timur, yang tidak tergenang air.

"Sengaja kami tutup, karena takut merugikan para pengguna jalan. Nanti kalau diterjang bisa pada mogok," kata petugas kepolisan Ipda Rudi, ditemui di lokasi, Kamis (30/1).

Selain itu, beberapa pos pengungsian yang sempat di bongkar kini juga sudah mulai disiapkan kembali untuk posko bantuan di jalur Transjakarta. Terlihat juga warga Kampung Pulo kini sudah mulai meninggalkan rumahnya.

"Katanya mau naik lagi, ini makanya kita bangun tenda lagi, untuk ngungsi," kata Ani, salah satu warga yang memilih tidak tinggal di pos pengungsian.

hingga kini evakuasi terhadap warga pun juga masih dilakukan oleh petugas gabungan dari Dinas Pemadam Kebakaran Jakarta Timur, Tagana, BNPB, Satpol PP, dan anggota TNI.

Kasudin Damkar PB Jakarta Timur, Abdul Karim juga mengatakan sedikitnya ada delapan perahu karet sudah standby di tanggul Kali Ciliwung untuk dapat mengevakuasi warga Kampung Pulo.

"Kalau dari Damkar Jaktim ada empat perahu, satpol PP ada 2 dan TNI juga ada 2. Jadi 8 semuanya yang standby untuk dapat evakuasi warga," kata Abdul.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

tentang cinta pertama   Aku mengenalnya semenjak aku berusia 5 tahun, tapi mulainya rasa itu ada ketika aku duduk di

tentang cinta pertama

 

Aku mengenalnya semenjak aku berusia 5 tahun, tapi mulainya rasa itu ada ketika aku duduk di kelas 4 SD, semenjak itu aku merasa aneh, karena usiaku juga masih terbilang kanak2. Entah apa yang aku rasa saat itu, aku tak mengerti apa yang sedang terjadi kala itu, aku seperti orang yang tak tentu arah.

Saat aku sadari ternyata aku mulai suka, ya aku suka untuk yang pertama kali pada seseorang. Namun aku tak mampu melakukan apa yang ingin aku lakukan. Aku hanya mengaguminya dari kejauhan, aku hanya mampu melihat senyumnya dari sini dari tempatku duduk kala itu. Aku melihatnya tertawa dan melihat bermain bola di lapangan itu, apa lagi saat kita bermain dan kejar2an. Aku sungguh suka... Laki laki yang aku pandang terlihat tampan dengan gayanya yg khas dan aku suka itu. Matanya sangat indah, rambutnya yang agak kriting menambah getaran dalam dada ini. Huuuuh aku suka dia, benar-benar suka dia.

Rasa ini semakin hari semakin dalam. Setiap hari yang aku ingin hanya memandang wajahnya. Suatu hari aku melihat tatapan matanya, tatapan mata yang sangat sejuk. Yang mampu membuat jantung ini berdegup lebih cepat. Dan akhirnya aku mulai bisa dekat dgn dia, karena saat itu aku dukuk 1 bangku dengannya,1 minggu itu. sangat menyenangkan, aku merasa sangat bahagia.

Hingga suatu hari, apa yang aku takutkan terjadi, dia pergi. Pergi tanpa pesan terakhir. Kini, hanya ada aku dan kenangan itu. Aku hanya mampu mengingatnya, mengingat semua senyumnya dan tatapan indah itu. Aku berjalan gontai sambil meneteskan air mata, air mata kehilangan. Dia, takkan pernah tau betapa sakitnya aku saat itu, saat dia pergi dariku. Aku tak mampu berkata apapun, aku hanya menangis dalam diam, menyesali semuanya. Aku mencoba tegar, aku mencoba terus untuk menutup luka ini, luka yang kau beri. Aku mencoba bahagia dgn apa yg aku milikki saat itu. Aku mencoba bertahan dgn senyumanku.

"Yaa Allah, jaga dia selama dia jauh dari sisiku". Dan saat itu aku mulai sadar, inilah cinta pertamaku. Di dalam penantianku, ada seorang pria datang dgn membawa sejuta cinta. Aku masih ingin diam, dan diam menunggu cintaku kembali dalam pelukku. Namun kehadirannya membuat aku tertawa seperti dulu, tetapi sungguh dalam hati ini masih ada nama cinta pertamaku. Aku hanya mampu tertawa sesaat saja, setelah itu kembali menangis dalam diamku, dalam penantianku. Untuk sementara waktu, sakitku terobati oleh kehadirannya di dalam sepiku. Namun hanya sementara dan setelah itu kami berpisah...klik di sini untuk kelanjutan nya .

by yandre pramana putra

Buah tomat sejatinya menjadi makanan wajib bagi kaum pria.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Buah tomat sejatinya menjadi makanan wajib bagi kaum pria. Pasalnya, dalam buah ini terkandung banyak manfaat bagi kesehatan tubuh, di antaranya adalah mencegah penyakit kanker prostat.

Berbagai literatur ilmiah menyebutkan dalam tomat terkandung zat yang bernama lycopene. Zat alami ini sebenarnya dapat ditemukan bukan hanya pada tomat, melainkan buah atau sayur berwarna merah kekuningan. 

Tomat sendiri sudah sejak lama digadang-gadang sebagai buah yang efektif dalam membantu mencegah kanker prostat. Maklum saja, dalam buah bernama asing Lyporsicon esculentum ini terkandung 45.902 mikrogtam lycopene per 100 gram penyajian.

"Zat lycopene akan menjadi antioksidan, yang membantu tubuh melawan kanker," kata pakar onkologi medik, Dr. Aru Wisaksono Sudoyo, SpPD, KHOM, FACP pada seminar Kanker Prostat Pembunuh Lelaki yang Datang Diam-Diam, Rabu (15/5.2013) di Jakarta.

Aru memaparkan, di dalam tubuh lycopene disimpan dalam lever, paru-paru, usus besar, dan kulit. Bukti manfaat lycopene di antaranya pernah diungkap dalam hasil penelitian yang dimuat Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition. Penelitian ini melibatkan 130 pasien kanker prostat yang diberi makanan yang tinggi kandungan lycopene .

Hasilnya, para responden mengalami penurunan risiko perkembangan sel-sel kanker prostat hingga 82 persen. Lycopene juga ditemukan dalam buah pepaya dan ikan salmon.

Aru menjelaskan, untuk mendapat manfaat maksimal dari buah tomat,  sebelum mengkonsumsi sebaiknya tomat direndam dahulu dalam air mendidih. Pemanasan akan membantu lycopene terlepas dari buah. "Kalau sudah terlepas tentu lebih mudah masuk ke dalam tubuh.

Oleh karena itu, lebih baik memakan tomat yang sudah diolah, seperti dalam sup atau saus pasta," katanya.

Aru juga mengingatkan untuk menghindari makanan berbahan pengawet dan pewarna. Kandungan formalin, rhodamin B, dan methanil yellow menjadi pemicu tumbuhnya sel kanker pada tubuh. "Intinya hindari makanan dan minuman berbahan kimia tidak jelas. Bahan kimia tersebut dikhawatirkan bersifat memicu kanker (karsinogenik)," kata Aru.

Pola hidup sehat menjadi kunci melawan kanker prostat. Aru juga menyarankan untuk tidak merokok dan rajin terkena sinar matahari. Kertas rokok mengandung 200-300 racun yang berbahaya bagi tubuh. Sementara sinar matahari membantu tubuh meningkatkan daya tahan tubuh.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)
Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Waterproofing atau Water-resistant telah menggambarkan objek yang tidak dapat terpengaruh oleh air atau taha

saco-indonesia.com, Waterproofing atau Water-resistant telah menggambarkan objek yang tidak dapat terpengaruh oleh air atau tahan terhadap peresapan / masuknya air, atau bisa juga objek yang dapat terlindungi oleh material yang tahan atau dapat menghalangi masuknya air. Material tersebut biasanya telah digunakan di lingkungan basah atau berada dibawah tekanan air.
 
Dibidang kontruksi, Waterproofing telah digunakan di bangunan seperti di basement, dak beton, gutter , tempat-tempat lembab, toilet, dan lain lain . Sebuah gedung atau struktur bangunan telah membutuhkan waterproofing karena beton tidak bisa tahan air atau berfungsi waterproof dengan sendirinya.

Sistem waterproofing konvensional yang sering digunakan adalah tipe membran, yang telah mengandalkan aplikasi satu atau lebih lapisan membran ( dengan berbagai tipe seperti bitumen, silicate, pvs, epdm, dan lain lain ) yang telah berfungsi sebagai pembatas antara air dengan struktur bangunan, mengahalangi masuknya air. Bagaimanapun, system membran tergantung dari aplikasi yang sempurna karena terbilang rumit. Jika terjadi kesalahan dalam pemasangan atau perlekatan dapat menyebabkan kebocoran.

Setelah lebih dari dua dekade, industri konstruksi telah mempunyai teknologi yang lebih maju dibidang material waterproofing, yaitu INTEGRAL WATERPROOFING SYSTEM. Sistem integral bekerja didalam matriks beton, tidak membentuk lapisan tetapi membuat bongkahan beton itu sendiri waterproof.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Betapa nikamatnya di saat penat pulang dari kerja, jalan-jalan, liburan atau belanja dari mall Anda duduk di sebuah ruangan kemu

Betapa nikamatnya di saat penat pulang dari kerja, jalan-jalan, liburan atau belanja dari mall Anda duduk di sebuah ruangan kemudian menekan remote control AC. Beberapa saat kemudian Anda juga akan menikmati udara yang sejuk dan penat pun hilang. Namun Anda juga harus jeli dalam memilih sebelum membeli AC. Jeli dalam arti awet penggunaannya serta efisien kebutuhan listriknya. Berikut ini adalah tips jeli dan teliti dalam membeli AC:

1. Kapasitas AC. Perhatikan kapasitas sebuah AC yang telah tercantum dalam BTUH (British Thermal Unit Per Hours). Satuan BTUH tersebut dapat menentukan kapasitas sebuah AC menarik/menyerap panas dalam satu jam. Karena pada dasarnya AC bekerja dengan cara menarik panas dari ruangan dan bukan mendinginkannya, jadi sebutan yang tepat untuk AC adalah penyerap panas, bukan pendingin ruangan.

2. Hitung daya kapasitasnya. Menurut konversi unit satuan 1 PK = 2.544 btu/h = 746 watt. Unit AC yang telah memiliki kapasitas yang lebih besar tidak selalu lebih baik karena unit yang terlalu besar tidak akan mendinginkan area secara seragam. Pada beberapa jenis air conditioner, unit yang terlalu besar juga akan mendinginkan udara terlalu cepat yang akan dapat menyebabkan air conditioner akan hidup dan mati lebih sering. Hal ini dapat menyebabkan boros listrik dan uang. Sebagai tambahan, unit yang terlalu besar tidak akan beroperasi cukup lama untuk dapat mengurangi kelembaban, bukannya membuat udara lebih nyaman, udara akan malah akan terasa “beku” dan “basah” pada pengaturan thermostat normal. Sebaliknya, Anda juga harus menghindari membeli unit AC yang terlalu kecil. Kapasitas AC yang tidak cukup akan terus-terusan beroperasi namun tidak mampu mendinginkan udara secara optimal. Dalam mengukur kebutuhan AC untuk rumah Anda, pertimbangkan ukuran ruang dan bagaimana ruang tersebut digunakan.

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

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The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

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Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

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Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.