Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

Saco-Indonesia.com Bagi tiap-tiap pemilik rumah memiliki kriteria tersendiri mengenai tetangga yang diidam-idamkannya.

Saco-Indonesia.com — Bagi tiap-tiap pemilik rumah memiliki kriteria tersendiri mengenai tetangga yang diidam-idamkannya. Menurut hasil survei yang dilakukan situs properti Redfin, rata-rata pemilik properti di Amerika Serikat menginginkan hal ini. Mereka ingin tinggal berdekatan dengan tetangga yang tidak berisik. Lantas, bagaimana dengan kuburan? Bukankah penghuninya tidak akan berisik selamanya?

Lebih mengejutkan lagi, ternyata survei itu membuktikan bahwa hunian yang berada tidak jauh dari pemakaman memang menarik pasar, meski memakan waktu lebih lama. Berdasarkan survei Redfin tersebut, hunian-hunian yang ada di dekat pemakaman memang membutuhkan waktu lebih lama untuk dijual. Namun, nilainya tidak lebih rendah dari hunian yang berada jauh dari pemakaman.

Seperti diberitakan dalam Huffington Post, rata-rata rumah yang berada paling dekat dengan pemakaman terjual dengan harga 162 dolar AS per kaki persegi (sekitar Rp 1,8 juta). Sementara itu, rumah yang berada lebih jauh (500 yard atau sekitar 457,2 meter) dari pemakaman harganya justru lebih murah, yaitu 145 dollar AS (Rp 1,6 juta) per kaki persegi.

"Memiliki rumah di sebelah pemakaman mungkin lebih sulit untuk dijual. Namun, selalu ada sekelompok orang yang mungkin menyukai spesifikasi rumah tersebut, meski faktor 'menyeramkan' kemungkinan membuat mereka enggan mengelilingi rumah," ujar agen realestat Redfin di Chicago, Amerika Serikat, John Malandrino.

Namun, agen realestat Redfin di Baltimore, Lyn Ikle, mengatakan, "Seperti halnya bicara soal membeli rumah, ada pro dan kontra untuk urusan tinggal di dekat pemakaman. Keuntungannya adalah, umumnya, tidak akan ada pembangunan di masa mendatang di atas pemakaman. Biasanya pula ada ruang terbuka yang terpelihara dengan baik, hening, dan tidak sedikit pemakaman tampak indah. Sisi negatifnya, pemakaman sering kali memberikan perasaan tidak nyaman. Pemakaman seolah merepresentasikan mortalitas."

Survei ini menganalisis data dari 90 data sensus area metro dan mikro di seantero Amerika Serikat pada Januari 2012-September 2013. Data secara lengkap tersedia di situs Redfin.

Sumber :www.huffingtonpost.com/kompas.com
Editor : Maulana Lee

 1. Pengertian Survey dan Pengukuran Survey atau surveying didefinisikan sebagai pengumpulan data yang berhubungan dengan

 1. Pengertian Survey dan Pengukuran
Survey atau surveying didefinisikan sebagai pengumpulan data yang berhubungan dengan pengukuran permukaan bumi dan digambarkan melalui peta atau digital. Sedangkan pengukuran didefinisakan peralatan dan metode yang berhubungan dengan kelangsungan survey tersebut. jadi, surveying adalah segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan pengumpulan data. Mulai dari pengukuran permukaan bumi hingga penggambaran bentuk bumi. Sedangkan pengukuran adalah segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan penggunaan alat mulai dari pita ukur hingga pengukuran jarak dengan metode elektro magnetik.
Survey umumnya dilakukan pada bidang datar, yaitu dengan tidak memperhitungkan kelengkungan bumi. Dalam proyek surveying, kelengkungan buminya kecil, jadi pengaruhnya dapat diabaikan, dengan menggunakan perhitungan yang rumusnya disederhanakan. Sedangkan pada proyek yang memiliki jarak jauh, kelengkungan bumi tidak dapat diabaikan, karena keadaan ini termasuk surveying geodesi.

Saat Anda sudah melewati masa-masa mendaftar dan membayar untuk paket umroh di perusahaan travel yang lumayan cukup besar, Anda

Saat Anda sudah melewati masa-masa mendaftar dan membayar untuk paket umroh di perusahaan travel yang lumayan cukup besar, Anda biasanya juga akan mendapat kesempatan untuk dapat ikut manasik umroh. Ini adalah bentuk simulasi agar Anda tidak kagok dan bingung saat sudah berada di tanah suci. Walaupun nantinya Anda juga akan berangkat bersama rombongan dan dibekali oleh buku petunjuk untuk ritual umroh di sana, tetap saja Anda juga harus berlatih agar tidak merasa kagok dan gugup.

Perusahaan pengelola perjalanan umroh yang berkualitas biasanya akan menyediakan manasik umroh sebagai bagian dari pembayaran yang sudah Anda lakukan, dan manasik ini biasanya juga bisa diikuti saat Anda sedang menunggu waktu untuk akhirnya bisa berangkat ke tanah suci. Materi dalam Manasik Umroh

Berikut adalah yang Anda akan pelajari saat manasik umroh:
• Tata cara berpakaian saat umroh, termasuk cara melilitkan kain ihram untuk lelaki, serta tata tertib yang harus dipatuhi saat memilih dan mengenakan pakaian untuk berbagai tahap umroh.
• Jalur yang harus dilalui saat Anda melakukan ritual umroh; ini juga termasuk permulaan jalur yaitu tempat miqat dan tempat untuk dapat mengganti pakaian dengan pakaian ihram di Bir Ali, jalur perjalanan ke Mekah hingga Ka’bah, dan bukit Shofa dan Marwa.
• Ritual umroh juga termasuk cara tawaf dan ritual Sa’I di Shofa dan Marwah, serta solat dua rakaat di Masjidil Haram.
• Semua bacaan umroh yang harus dihapalkan, termasuk bacaan saat mulai berjalan kaki ke Mekah serta saat tawaf keliling Ka’bah.
• Manasik umroh juga termasuk pengetahuan akan semua larangan dan anjuran yang harus dipatuhi pada saat melakukan umroh, termasuk semua yang berkaitan dengan anjuran dan larangan berpakaian, merias diri, bergaul dengan suami atau istri, dan sebagainya.

Dalam manasik umroh, Anda juga akan mendapat semua petunjuk dan pelajaran yang patut diketahui tentang apa saja yang patut dilakukan di dalam kegiatan umroh, termasuk apa yang boleh, harus dan tidak boleh dilakukan. Jadi, jika Anda ingin mengalami umroh yang lebih berkesan, jangan segan untuk dapat menerima tawaran melakukan manasik haji oleh perusahaan travel umroh tempat Anda memesan paket perjalanan.

 

Sahabat   Darimulah ku temukan arti sebuah persahabatan Engkau hadir temani hari-hariku Saat sedih maupun bahag

Sahabat

 
Darimulah ku temukan arti sebuah persahabatan
Engkau hadir temani hari-hariku
Saat sedih maupun bahagia
Lalui hari bersamamu
Ingatlah kala itu sahabat
Aku bercanda tawa bersamamu
Namun apa kebersamaan ini terus  berjalan?
Akankah kita kan selalu bersama?
Persahabatan kala bersamamu
kan selalu tersimpan di benakku
Namun kini aku dan dirimu terpisah oleh waktu
Janji yang pernah kita ucapkan di masa lalu
kan terus teringat dalam ingatanku
Ingatlah wahai sahabat ku selalu mengenangmu
Tentang semua kebersamaan itu
Andai kau tahu sahabat harapanku tuk tetap bersamamu
Namun semuanya tlah jadi kenangan terindah bagiku sahabat
 
Untuk Kawanku

Aku tahu aku salah
Aku tahu aku melukai hatimu
Tapi bukan maksudku seperti itu kawan
Kata-kata maaf selalu ku ucapkan untuk mu
Tapi apalah daya
tidak ada gunanya semua itu di benakmu
Aku tidak ingin persahabatan ini hancur
Aku ingin kita slalu tetap bersama
Maafkanlah aku kawan
Aku sayang kalian
aku tak bisa apa-apa tanpa kalian
Aku tidak dapat berdiri tegak tanpa kalian
Hanya kata-kata maaf yang dapat aku utarakan
Hanya kata-kata maaf yang dapat ku berikan
ku rela aku serahkan jiwa ragaku untuk kalian
Demi persahabataan ini, ku rela berkorban hanya untuk kalian
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Seorang sahabat ialah seseorang yang...
tertawa serta menangis dengan Inspirasi,
Seseorang yang meminjamkan tangan untuk membantu,
meski sahabat mungkin tak selamanya,
Dan mereka dak mungkin berakhir bersama-sama,
kenangan persahabatan sejati kan bertahan selamanya.
Seorang sahabat bukan bayangan atau hamba
Tapi seseorang yang memegang
sepotong seseorang di dalam hatinya.
Seseorang yang sellau berbagi senyum,
Seseorang yang mencerahkan hari mu
 
Bukan Sahabat Terbaik

Mungkin aku bukanlah sahabat yang baik
ku sering melalaikanmu
ku sering membuatmu merasa tersisih
mungkin selama ini banyak bicara ku yang pedih
aku sering tak memahamimu
aku hanya manusia biasa
karena kekurangan ku itu aku sering memanjatkan doa
semoga tuhan kan selalu melindungimu
karena siapapun kalian
kalian adalah sahabatku..,..

by yandre pramana putra

saco-indonesia.com, Korupsi benar-benar sudah telah menjadi penyakit akut di Indonesia. Tak peduli dana untuk orang yang tertimp

saco-indonesia.com, Korupsi benar-benar sudah telah menjadi penyakit akut di Indonesia. Tak peduli dana untuk orang yang tertimpa musibah, jika ada celah uang negara juga akan dijadikan bancakan.

Paling ironis adalah uang untuk urusan orang mati saja telah disikat. Kasus dugaan korupsi dana kematian pada Dinas Sosial Kota Bandarlampung, kini juga tengah diselidiki.

Kejari Kota Bandarlampung juga sudah tiga pekan lalu telah melakukan penyelidikan. Dana tersebut telah digunakan untuk lima ribu kematian warga di Kota Bandarlampung sepanjang tahun 2012 dengan besaran Rp 500 ribu per kematian.

Bau tak sedap telah mencuat karena muncul dugaan jika penyaluran dana itu tidak berjalan lurus. Kini, bukti yang berupa kwitansi para penerima dana sedang dikroscek.

"Yang jadi masalah apakah dana tersebut itu telah disalurkan secara keseluruhan atau apakah penerima dana kematian itu telah menerima utuh atau memang ada potongannya," kata Kepala Kejari Kota Bandarlampung Widiyantoro.

Korupsi untuk orang mati juga sempat ditangani Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Mantan Ketua DPRD Bogor Iyus Djuher juga terlibat dalam kasus suap pengurusan izin lahan Taman Pemakaman Bukan Umum di Desa Artajaya, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat.

Iyus yang juga merupakan politisi Demokrat ditangkap KPK lantaran telah menerima hadiah atau janji. Uang telah diberikan oleh Direktur PT Gerindo Perkasa Sentot Susilo dan Nana Supriatna. Diduga lahan seluas 100 hektare bakal dibangun taman pemakaman bukan umum. Padahal sudah diketahui lahan tersebut termasuk kawasan konservasi.

Saat proses persidangan berjalan Iyus meninggal dunia karena menderita kanker liver dan stroke otak kiri. Dengan begitu kasus tersebut gugur.

Jika saja untuk urusan orang mati masih telah menjadi santapan empuk para penjahat kerah putih, gimana untuk urusan orang hidup. Sepertinya juga sudah seharusnya hukuman mati bagi para koruptor segera diberlakukan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Ribuan pekerja Indonesia di Jeddah, Arab Saudi, dikabarkan mengamuk di Konsulat Jendral RI, Minggu (9/6/2013) waktu setempat.

JEDDAH, Saco-Indonesia.com - Ribuan pekerja Indonesia di Jeddah, Arab Saudi, dikabarkan mengamuk di Konsulat Jendral RI, Minggu (9/6/2013) waktu setempat. Mereka membakar beragam perkakas di pintu masuk konsulat, dan berusaha menerobos untuk melakukan pembakaran gedung. Aksi tersebut dipicu kemarahan atas proses dokumen perjalanan.

"Kami masih memeriksa apakah ada korban atau berapa banyak pekerja terluka," kata Duta Besar Indonesia untuk Arab Saudi, Gatot Abdullah Mansyur seperti dikutip Arab News. Dia mengatakan bahwa semua diplomat dan staf konsuler aman.

Kru Pertahanan Sipil, polisi, pasukan khusus dan ambulans Bulan Sabit Merah turun ke tempat kejadian untuk memulihkan ketertiban. Jalan menuju ke konsulat ditutup.

Saksi mata mengatakan api masih menyala hingga pukul 22.00 waktu setempat. Petugas pemadam kebakaran pun masih terlihat berupaya memadamkannya.

Kerusuhan ini adalah buntut insiden pada Sabtu (8/6/2013). Saat itu para pekerja perempuan Indonesia "menyerbu" konsulat untuk mendapatkan dokumen perjalanan. Setidaknya tiga perempuan terluka dan pingsan.

Para pekerja Indonesia di Arab Saudi yang tak memiliki izin bekerja, punya tenggat waktu hingga 3 Juli 2013 untuk "melegalkan" keberadaan dan aktivitas mereka. Dokumen yang harus dipastikan mereka miliki adalah visa kerja.

Perseteruan antara para pekerja, polisi, dan pejabat konsulat diduga dipicu frustasi para pekerja karena lamanya proses pengurusan dokumen dan kurangnya pengorganisasian di konsulat. "Kami telah mengalami masalah dengan konsulat sejak kami tiba dua hari lalu," kata seorang asisten rumah tangga dari Indonesia, yang tidak ingin namanya dipublikasikan. "Kemarin saya jatuh dan terluka karena konsulat tidak tahu apa yang mereka lakukan dan tidak bisa mengendalikan massa."

Pekeja lainnya yang mengaku bekerja di bidang konstruksi, mengeluh dia tidak bisa masuk ke konsulat untuk mengurus dokumen perjalanan. "Percayalah, sekarang saya hanya ingin pulang," kata dia.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana

saco-indonesia.com, Bom bunuh diri di halamam Markas Polres Poso, Sulawesi Tengah, Senin (3/6/2013) pagi, melukai seorang buruh bangunan.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Bom bunuh diri di halamam Markas Polres Poso, Sulawesi Tengah, Senin (3/6/2013) pagi, melukai seorang buruh bangunan. Pria tersebut mengalami luka di tangan kiri.

"Tidak ada korban kecuali pelaku bom bunuh diri. Ada satu petugas bangunan yang mengalami luka di bagian tangan kiri," ujar Kepala Divisi Humas Polri Inspektur Jenderal Suhardi Alius di Mabes Polri, Jakarta Selatan, Senin (3/6/2013).

Tidak ada korban luka lainnya dalam aksi bom bunuh diri itu. Pelaku diduga menargetkan polisi sebagai sasaran terornya. Bom meledak antara pos jaga Mapolres Poso dan masjid pukul 08.03 Wita. Ledakan bom terjadi dua kali.

Tubuh pria pelaku bom bunuh diri dan motor yang dikendarainya hancur. Ia diduga menggunakan bom tupperware atau bom yang diletakkan di dalam wadah plastik. Pelaku diduga kelompok teroris Poso pimpinan Santoso yang saat ini masih buron.

Polisi juga mendalami keterkaitan eksekutor bom bunuh diri dengan Basri alias Bagong alias Ayas, narapidana yang melarikan diri dari Lembaga Pemasyarakatan Kelas II Ampana, Kabupaten Tojo Una Una, Sulawesi Tengah, April lalu. Saat ini, petugas masih melakukan olah tempat kejadian. Tim Disaster Victim Identification Polri telah diturunkan untuk mengidentifikasi pelaku bom bunuh diri.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”