Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Kutai

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Malang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Yogyakarta

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Bandung

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Pontianak

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Samarinda

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Agen Tiket Pesawat di Palembang

Perkembangan jasa kirim barang tampaknya memang cukup banyak dipengaruhi oleh semakin menjamurnya transaksi jual beli online. Ti

Perkembangan jasa kirim barang tampaknya memang cukup banyak dipengaruhi oleh semakin menjamurnya transaksi jual beli online. Tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa budaya jual beli online yang semakin dikenal oleh masyarakat turut memberikan pengaruh terhadap pertumbuhan jasa kirim barang. Bahkan mungkin Anda juga termasuk salah satu pelaku pasar online yang pernah terlibat dalam aktivitas jual beli online ini. Saat ada orang yang membeli barang secara online, tentunya pengiriman barang tidak selalu bisa ditangani sendirian. Dibutuhkan layanan yang bisa diandalkan. Jika Anda ingin membangun usaha kirim barang, tentunya Anda perlu memahami point-point yang banyak dipertimbangkan oleh para pengguna.

Di Jakarta sendiri ada begitu banyak jasa kirim barang Jakarta. Jasa pengiriman tersebut tidak hanya fokus pada wilayah Jakarta saja. Wilayah di luar Jakarta juga bisa dicapai. Karena banyaknya jasa kirim barang di Jakarta, tentunya penting bagi para pengguna layanan untuk dapat mengetahui bagaimana cara memilih jasa pengiriman yang tepat. Bagi Anda sendiri, informasi ini bisa memberikan gambaran mengenai cara memikat dan membuat pelanggan percaya kepada pelayanan Anda.

Cara termudah untuk dapat menemukan jasa kirim barang jakarta yang dapat diandalkan adalah dengan mempertimbangkan popularitas dari penyedia layanan tersebut. Nama baik pastinya tidak muncul begitu saja. Semua itu ada karena pelayanan yang diberikan memang baik dan selalu berhasil memuaskan sebagian besar pelanggannya. Bagi Anda, untuk meraih hal tersebut tentunya tidak bisa dilakukan dalam waktu singkat. Anda juga harus membangunnya dari bawah. Pertama bangun brand yang kuat. Caranya dengan memberikan pelayanan terbaik dan selalu berusaha untuk dapat memuaskan pelanggan.

Selanjutnya jumlah armada yang dimiliki. Agar mampu untuk memberikan pelayanan yang baik dan mengirim barang dengan cepat, tentunya dibutuhkan armada yang cukup. Untuk itu, persiapkan armada yang cukup. Untuk awal-awal, tidak harus banyak. Awali dengan mengcover wilayah tertentu dan tawarkan apa yang tidak ditawarkan oleh jasa pengiriman barang jakarta lainnya. Selain itu pikat pelanggan dengan harga yang bersaing. Harga pasti selalu menjadi pertimbangan penting. Dengan harga yang bersaing, jasa pengiriman barang Anda pastinya akan dilirik oleh pengguna jasa pengiriman barang.

 

saco-indonesia.com, Kasus pembunuhan sadis telah terjadi di Cianjur. Pupun yang berusia (40) tahun telah tega memutilasi ibu kan

saco-indonesia.com, Kasus pembunuhan sadis telah terjadi di Cianjur. Pupun yang berusia (40) tahun telah tega memutilasi ibu kandungnya yang berusia 65 tahun di Kampung Pasir Gombong, Desa Sukamulya, Kecamatan Cugenang, Kabupaten Cianjur Jawa Barat.

"(Mutilasi) ini telah dilakukan oleh anak kandung terhadap ibu," kata Direskrimum Polda Jawa Barat Jabar Kombes Erwin Faisal di Bandung, Jumat (20/12).

Menurut Erwin, aksi keji yang telah dilakukan oleh Pupun terhadap korban telah terjadi pada Rabu (18/12) lalu sekitar pukul 03.00 WIB.

"Tapi baru diketahui, kejadian pada hari ini di mana pelaku juga mengaku kepada saksi IM yang berusia (50) tahun ," terang dia.

Saat ini jajaran Kepolisian Cianjur juga masih harus melakukan olah tempat kejadian perkara. Belum dapat diketahui motif dari pembunuhan keji ini.


Editor ; Dian Sukmawati

 

saco-indonesia.com, Peningkatan aktivitas vulkanik Gunung Kelud telah membuat statusnya dinaikkan menjadi waspada (level II) pad

saco-indonesia.com, Peningkatan aktivitas vulkanik Gunung Kelud telah membuat statusnya dinaikkan menjadi waspada (level II) pada Minggu (2/2) kemarin . Masyarakat telah diimbau untuk tidak panik dan cemas dengan hal ini.

Kepala Pusat Data Informasi dan Humas BNPB Sutopo Purwo Nugroho juga mengatakan, pemberitaan media yang intensif dan berlebihan mengenai peningkatan aktivitas gunung berapi seringkali justru telah menyebabkan dampak negatif di masyarakat. Akibatnya, obyek-obyek wisata, hotel, pertanian dan aktivitas ekonomi yang berada di luar daerah berbahaya menjadi sepi.

"Hal ini telah terjadi di Gunung Bromo, Ijen, Dieng, Tangkubanparahu, Papandayan, dan lainnya. Bahkan aktivitas wisata dan hotel-hotel di Kabanjahe saat ini pun telah sepi dari pengunjung karena masyarakat jadi takut berkunjung padahal lokasinya jauh dan aman dari Gunung Sinabung," ujarnya, Senin (3/2).

Sutopo juga telah menjelaskan, Gunung berapi bersifat slow in set. Artinya tidak akan tiba-tiba meletus. Ada tanda-tandanya sehingga status gunung punya tahapan yaitu dari normal kemudian menjadi waspada, siaga, dan awas sesuai ancamannya.

Saat ini dari 127 gunung berapi aktif di Indonesia, ada 1 gunung yang berstatus Awas (level IV) yaitu Gunung Sinabung sejak 24 november 2013. "Ada 3 gunung yang status Siaga (level III) yaitu Karangetang, Lokon dan Rokatenda. Ada 19 gunung status Waspada (level II) yaitu Kelud, Raung, Ibu, Lewotobi Perempuan, Ijen, Gamkonora, Soputan, Sangeangapi, Papandayan, Dieng, Seulewah Agam, Gamalama, Bromo, Semeru, Talang, Anak Krakatau, Marapi, Dukono, dan Kerinci. Lainnya berstatus normal," jelas Sutopo.

Dia juga menambahkan, makna dari status waspada adalah ada kenaikan aktivitas di atas level normal, apapun jenis gejala diperhitungkan. Tidak kritis. "Yang diperlukan adalah sosialisasi, kajian bahaya, pengecekan sarana, dan piket terbatas," tukasnya.

Sedangkan makna status siaga, lanjut Sutopo, adalah semua data telah menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas dapat segera berlanjut ke letusan atau menuju pada keadaan yang dapat menimbulkan bencana. "Kondisinya kritis sehingga perlu sosialisasi di wilayah terancam, penyiapan sarana darurat, koordinasi harian, dan piket penuh," pungkasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pembawa acara dan artis peran yang juga penyanyi Raffi Ahmad mendapat sambutan hangat dan riuh rendah dari para penonton ketika tampil sebagai bagian dari grup vokal Bukan Bintang Biasa (BBB) dalam Konser K-20 Spesial Melly Goeslaw di Balai Sarbini, Semanggi, Jakarta, Kamis (16/5/2013) malam.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com -- Pembawa acara dan artis peran yang juga penyanyi Raffi Ahmad mendapat sambutan hangat dan riuh rendah dari para penonton ketika tampil sebagai bagian dari grup vokal Bukan Bintang Biasa (BBB) dalam Konser K-20 Spesial Melly Goeslaw di Balai Sarbini, Semanggi, Jakarta, Kamis (16/5/2013) malam.

Mantan kekasih vokalis Yuni Shara itu tak habis-habisnya menyalami para Raffiah (penggemar Raffi) yang berdiri dekat panggung Konser K-20 Spesial ketika BBB menyanyikan "Let's Dance Together" dan "Putus Nyambung" bersama vokalis, pencipta lagu, dan produser musik Melly Goeslaw.

"Akhirnya kami kembali lagi ke dunia musik yang lengkap dan alhamdulillah Raffi sudah di tengah-tengah kita. Kangen enggak?," seru Melly di panggung, usai menyanyikan kedua lagu tersebut dalam konser yang ditayangkan langsung oleh KompasTV itu.

Sambutan hangat datang bukan dari para penggemar BBB atau BBB Zone semata, melainkan juga dari penyanyi dangdut Iis Dahlia, yang menonton dari tribun. "Malam ini sambutannya luar biasa. Oh ya, di sana (tribun) juga ada Iis Dahlia," kata Melly.

Kalimat Melly itu ditimpali oleh Raffi. "Saya ucapkan terima kasih buat Teh Melly, BBB Zone (para penggemar BBB). Terima kasih, di saat susah, kalian tetap ada. Yah ibu-ibu lagi. Tapi, ibu-ibu yang ini baik kok," ujar mantan pacar vokalis Yuni Shara itu sambil menunjuk ke Iis.

Entah apa maksud sesungguhnya canda Raffi tersebut, yang jelas para penonton tertawa mendengarnya.

Editor :Liwon Mmaulana(galipat)

Sumber:Kompas.com

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) akan memanggil Sekretaris Jenderal Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), Janedjri Mah

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) akan memanggil Sekretaris Jenderal Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), Janedjri Mahilli Gaffar, terkait penyidikan dalam kasus suap sengketa pemilihan kepala daerah.

Dia juga akan diperiksa sebagai saksi ihwal dugaan suap terhadap Akil Mochtar semasa menjabat Ketua MK.

"Yang bersangkutan akan diperiksa sebagai saksi," kata Kepala Bagian Pemberitaan dan Informasi KPK, Priharsa Nugraha, saat dikonfirmasi, Selasa (24/12/2013).

Selain Janedjri, KPK juga akan memeriksa dua pejabat lelang pada Balai Lelang JBA, Ende Mirawan dan Ganda Purba, dan Jacob Anthonius Margarheta selaku manajer Balai Lelang Seras. Mereka juga akan diperiksa terkait dalam kasus tindak pidana pencucian uang Akil Mochtar.

Akil telah ditangkap tangan KPK setelah menerima uang Dollar Singapura senilai Rp3 miliar dari anggota DPR, Chairunnisa dan Cornelis Nalau, seorang pengusaha, di kompleks Widya Chandra, Jakarta Selatan, 2 Oktober 2013 lalu .

Diduga uang itu telah diberi terkait sengketa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Gunung Mas, Kalimantan Tengah. Dalam operasi itu, KPK juga turut menangkap Bupati Gunung Mas, Kalimantan Tengah, Hambith Bintih, dan stafnya, Dhani, di Hotel Redtop, Jakarta Pusat.

Setelah itu, Akil juga disangka telah menerima suap sebesar Rp1 miliar dari Tubagus Chairi Wardhana dan pengacara, Susi Tur Andayani, terkait sengketa Pilkada Lebak, Banten.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

    saco-indonesia.com,     Ku sadari keras watakku padamu     Mungkin ku salah

    saco-indonesia.com,

    Ku sadari keras watakku padamu
    Mungkin ku salah menyakitimu
    Atau mungkin pernah ku menduakanmu
    Memang ku kurang menghargaimu

    *
    Dan kini lantang hati bicara
    Takkan pernah ku buat kau kecewa
    Pastikan ku berubah

    **
    Kau buat hatiku bicara
    Cinta sungguh ku cinta
    Dan kau buat hatiku terus berkata
    Cintta sungguh ku cintaKau pahami semua caraku padamu
    Susah percaya dan terus mengganggu
    Fikiranmu yang tak lagi pikirkanku
    Ku tak percaya kau telah begitu

    Back to *, **

    Kau buat hatiku bicara
    Cinta sungguh ku cinta
    Dan ku pastikan semuanya karenamu


    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

saco-indonesia.com, Pemilik rumah yang telah ditempati oleh kakak tersangka dalam pelaku pembunuhan Feby Lolita, di Perumahan Pu

saco-indonesia.com, Pemilik rumah yang telah ditempati oleh kakak tersangka dalam pelaku pembunuhan Feby Lolita, di Perumahan Puri Citayam Permai 2, RT 07/22, Blok D1/2, Kel. Rawa Panjang, Kec. Bojong Gede Kab. Bogor, juga merupakan rumah kontrakan.

Rumah ukuran tipe 22 bercat orange bergaya minimalis juga merupakan rumah milik dari Vivi warga Komp. Depag, Desa Pabuaran Bojong Gede.

“Rumah yang sering didatangi oleh pelaku yaitu Edo, sebetulnya telah ditempati oleh kakaknya yang disebut dengan mama Rahel bersama keluarganya satu anak,”ujar Yani yang berusia 54 tahun , tetangga samping rumah pelaku.

Rumah yang telah ditempati oleh keluarga Rahel tersebut adalah kontrakan. “Oleh keluarga pelaku rumah dikontrak dua tahun dengan tiap tahun sebesar Rp5 juta.Semestinya rumah tersebut sudah ditinggalkan keluarga pelaku, atas alasan mau mencari tempat tinggal baru rumah diperpanjang kontraknya dengan membayar Rp500 ribu,”katanya.

Menurut ibu tiga anak ini telah menyebutkan, kakak pelaku juga sempat mencalonkan diri jadi Calon Legislatif di daerah Medan, Sumatera Utara. “Karena pernah mendengar kakak pelaku pernah mendaftar menjadi Caleg, namun tidak jadi dianggap warga sekitar orang kaya. Kelakukan pelaku sendiri di warga dan tetangga dikenal cuek dan kasar,”ungkapnya.

Sementara itu, Edo dikenal juga sebagai sopir angkot 06 jurusan Kp. Melayu – Gandaria Jakarta Selatan.

“Edo itu juga punya Angkot, selain itu juga menyupirin angkot milik sendiri. Angkot miliknya itu diparkir di rumah orangtuanya di daerah Pondok Gede,”paparnya.

Sebelumnya, Edo telah menjadi pelaku pembunuhan gadis cantik Feby yang jasadnya selama tiga hari ditaruh dalam bagasi mobil nissan March Putih milik korban. Mobil berisi mayat tersebut telah dibuang pelaku di area TPU Pondok Kelapa, Jakarta Timur.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

Photo
The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

Advertisement

Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Advertisement

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.